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Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2011 with funding from
University of Toronto
http://www.archive.org/details/historyofpopesf22past
HISTORY OF THE POPES
VOL. XXII.
PASTOR'S HISTORY OF THE POPES
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from
the German of Ludwig, Freiherr von Pastor. Edited, as to Vols. I. -VI., by the late Frederick Ignatius Antrobus, and, as to Vols. VII -XXII., by Ralph Francis Kerr, of the London Oratory. In 22 Volumes.
Vols. I. and II. a.d. 1305-1458
Vols. III. and IV. a.d. 1458-1483
Vols. V. and VI. a.d. 1484-1513
Vols. VII. and VIII. a.d. 1513-1521
Vols. IX. and X. a.d. 1522-1534
Vols. XI and XII. a.d. 1534-1549
Vols. XIII. and XIV. a.d. 1550-1559
Vols. XV. and XVI. a.d. 1559-1565
Vols. XVII. and XVIII. a d. 1566-1572
Vols. X I X. and XX, a.d. 1572-1585
Vols. XXL and XXII. a.d. 1585-1591
The original German text of the History of the Popes is published by Herder & Co., Freiburg (Baden).
T H e
HISTORY OF THE POP
FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER
ORIGINAL SOURCES
FROM THE GERMAN OF
LUDWIG, FKEIHHKR VON PASTOR
EDITED BY
RALPH FRANCIS KERR
OF THE LONDON ORATORY
VOLUME XXII
SIXTUS V. (1585-1590)
URBAN VII. (1590, Sept i4th-Sept. 24th)
GREGORY XIV. (1590-1591)
INNOCENT IX. (1591, Oct. 29th— Dec. 30th)
LONDON KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LTD.
BROADWAY HOUSE : 68-74 CARTER LANE. E.C. 1932
' 35443
' f I 3 8 I
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BV THE DEVONSHIRE PRESS, TORQUAY
' CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXII.i
Table of Contents .......
List of unpublished documents in Appendix
Trial and execution of Mary Stuart. The Spanish Armada ........
Catholic Reform in Germany and the Netherlands .
Work of the nuncios in Hungary, Bohemia.. Austria and Switzerland .......
Plans for a Crusade. The Polish election. Death of the Pope ........
Patronage of learning and art. The water-supply of Rome. New streets ......
The Obelisks. The Lateran palace. The Vatican library. The Quirinal. The Dome of St. Peter's
The Pontificate of Urban VII.
The Pontificate of Gregory XIV.
The Pontificate of Innocent IX.
Appendix of unpublished documents
Index of Names ....
PAGE
vii xvii
1-70 71-107
108-144
145-188
189-245
246-312 313-350 351-408 409-427
428-453 455-467
For Bibliography see Volume XXI.
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXH.
CHAPTER I.
TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF MARY STUART. -
ARMADA.
-THE SPANISH
A.D.
1585 Position of Mary Stuart at the accession of Sixtus V.. Opportunities for English statesmen to win over public
opinion ......
Walsingham's army of spies .
Composed of the dregs of humanity
The Queen of Scots in prison at Chartley
Career of Gilbert Gifford the spy
He endeavours to win the confidence of the Catholics
And turns his attention to Antony Babington
The apostates Ballard and Tyrell .
1586 Ballard's visits in Scotland and England Goes to Paris and meets Mendoza . He gets into touch with Babington and discloses his
plans — Babington's objections . Progress of the " conspiracy " — Gifford, the spy, joins
the conspirators ..... Walsingham and Babington .... Gifford undertakes to give new life to the conspiracy Babington's proposals to Mary — she is not blind to the
vagueness of these projects And expresses herself with great reserve Phelippes and Walsingham Utter folly of the conspirators Delusion of Babington and his friends — their terror
arrest and execution (September) Excitement caused by discovery of the plot Confession and retraction by Tyrell
1586 Mary Stuart taken to Fotheringay — her trial
(October 5th) .....
1587 And execution on February i8th . Character of Mary — the real reason for her death Reception of the tidings in Europe Characteristics of Elizabeth's policy No serious step taken to save Mary Sixtus V. on Elizabeth
He thinks that her conversion may be possible But at the same time presses for armed intervention
1586 Guise contemplates an attack on England.
Memorial from Allen to the Pope on an invasion of England .......
vii
103
PAGE I
2
3 4 5 6
9
9
10
II
12
13
14 15 16
17 18
19 20
22 23
25
27 27
29 30 31 33 35 36 37
39
Vlll
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
1586 Development of English naval power — the pirates False ideas in Spain of England's naval power Success of the raids by Drake . Spain at last roused to action . Extreme dilatoriness of Philip 11. . This is bitterly complained of by the Pope . The point of view of Sixtus V, not the same as Philip's
1587 Convention of 29th July between the Pope and Spain Allen created cardinal at the request of Philip
The Pope again exhorts the King ....
1588 Prayers for success of the Armada — predictions of its
wreck ........
Sixtus V. on the Armada — his doubts
The Armada sails at last, end of May ....
Early rumour of victory — mistrust of the Pope .
His attitude is full of doubt — Definite news of the fate
of the Armada (October) ..... The political aftermath — Sixtus V. refuses further
financial aid .......
Effects of the disaster upon Philip IT . Rejoicings in England — loyalty of the Catholics. Does not protect them from the revenge of Elizabeth All that the defeat of the Armada portended is by no
means realized ......
PAGE
40 43
44 46
47 48
49 51 52 53
55 57 58 59
61
63 64
65
68
69
CHAPTER H.
CATHOLIC REFORM IN GERMANY AND THE NETHERLANDS.
1585 The nunciatures in Germany ..... Tasks of the nuncios — The Emperor Rudolph IL Efforts of the nuncio Malaspina .... He complains of the weakness of the emperor
Firm catholicity of the Archdukes Ernest and Ferdinand — labours of the Jesuits
William V. of Bavaria, chief support of the church
Timorous reserve of Rudolph H. in the contest for Neuss ........
Consequences of the death of Henry of Saxony- Lauenburg .......
Work of Brillmacher for restoration of religion in Miinster ........
State of the diocese of Paderborn — energy of the bishop, Dietrich von Fiirstenbere
Loss of the dioceses of Osnabriick and Bremen
Zeal of Bishop von Jerin of Breslau for Catholic restora- tion in his diocese ......
Efforts of Malaspina to save Halberstadt and Liibeck are in vain — necessity of more priests — difficult conditions in Bohemia .....
Recall of ISIalaspina — The emperor annoyed with the Pope ........
1586 Filippo Sega appointed nuncio-extraordinary
71
72
73
74
75 76
77 78 79
80 81
83
84 85
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
IX
Sega on the religious condition of Bohemia
A.D.
1586 His instructions — difficulty of his position at the
Imperial court ......
And inability to get on to good terms with the emperor Relations between the Pope and Rudolph II. become
steadily worse
1587 Thereby the position of Sega is still difficult Memorial b\
and Austria Work of the nuncio at Graz, Caligari
1585 He is supported b}^ the Bishop of Laibach and by the
Jesuits .......
Success of the Catholic revival at Graz
1586 Foundation of the university is of great importance
1587 The relations of Caligari with the Archduke become
strained — he is recalled 1587 Change also in the nunciatures of Prague and Cologne
1585 Activity of Bonhomini . His success at Liege (September-October)
1586 He returns to the Low Countries — The Synod at Mons
1587 Exhausted by his labours, he dies on February 25th Frangipani succeeds Bonhomini as nuncio . Position of affairs in the Rhineland and Cologne .
1588 Frangipani and the elector Ernest.
Success of the nuncio in Cologne in spite of obstacles
Difficulties in the duchy of Jiilich-Cleves
Work of the nuncio in Liege, Utrecht, Malines and
Antwerp He gets great help in his work from the Archbishop of
Treves
PAGE
86 87
88 89
89 90
91 92 92
93 94 94 95 96
97 98
99 100 102 103
104
106
CHAPTER III.
WORK OF THE NUNCIOS IN HUNGARY, BOHEMIA, AUSTRIA AND
SWITZERLAND.
1587 Antonio Puteo succeeds Sega as nuncio to the empire Interesting " instructions " by Sega on the work of
the nunciature .....
Disputed matters treated of . Lamentable state of affairs in Hungary Success of the nuncio in filling the vacant sees . Disputes at Strasbourg about Gebhard Truchsess
1588 Difficulties of Puteo in Bohemia He assists Bishop Urban von Trennbach of Passau
1589 Is succeeded in the nunciature by Alfonso Visconti Who displays the same vigilance in religious matters And zealously supports the work of Klesl .
1585 Sixtus V, imposes the duty of visiting the Limina Apostolorum ......
1587 Many of the German bishops carry this into effect 1589 And others mal^e their reports to Rome
The Pope obtains detailed information in this way
And salutary advice is sent from the Congr. of the
Council ........
108
108 109 no III 112
113 114
115 n6
117 118 119 120
121
X
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. 1588
1586 1587
1588 1589
1588 1590
The " memorials " on German affairs by Minuccio Minucci — Their extraordinary interest and the suggestions they contain — Account of the obstacles to reform and mistakes hitherto made . Minucci 's breadth of outlook — attitude of the Emperor The way to Catholic restoration clearly laid down Zealous care of the Pope for religion in Switzerland Santoni sent as nuncio to the Catholic Cantons . The religious alliance of the seven Cantons (October) Who conclude a defensive alliance with Spain (May) Influence of Ludwig Pfyffer ....
Difficulties in the diocese of Constance . Fruitful labours of Santoni in Appenzell — Work of the Capuchin Father Ludwig. . . . .
Help afforded to Santoni b}^ the Cantons for restoration of discipline — but Lucerne resists his appoint- ment of the parochial clergy ....
Ottavio Paravicini succeeds Santoni as nuncio (Sept.) His intimate union with Pfyfier ....
His work accomplished by Paravicini is very far- reaching .......
Beneficial work of the Jesuits and Capuchins in Lucerne
Meeting of the superiors of convents then existing—
The " great prayer " — Report of Renward Cysat.
Success of Paravicini in ecclesiastical politics — the
authorities support the Tridentine ordinances Events of Appenzell— The " pact " secures unity Conversion of the Margrave James of Baden-Hochberg His sudden death followed b}'- re-introduction of Protestantism .......
PAGE
122 129 130 130
131 132
133 134 135
135
136 137 137
138 139
140
141 142 143
144
CHAPTER IV.
PLANS FOR A CRUSADE.
-THE POLISH ELECTION. - POPE.
-DEATH OF THE
1585 Enthusiasm of Sixtus V. for a crusade against the
Turks ........
Discourse of the nuncio Costa to the Doge of Venice
(June 22nd) .......
Reply of the Doge — his anxiety — The Venetian
obedientia .......
Discourse of Donato at this ceremony (October loth) —
And reply by the Pope ..... Who desires to be on good terms with Venice The Republic a barrier against Lutheran doctrines Priuli wins the confidence of the Pope — favours
granted to the Venetians ....
Who take pains to maintain friendly relations with the
Holy See ........
1587 The embassy of Gritti — serious dispute averted. Peculiar position of Venice as regards the Turks 1585 The daring plan of Bathory for attacking the Turks.
145 146
147
148 149 150
151
152 153 154 155
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XI
A.D.
1585 The question of Russia — negotiations of Posse vino
1586 Death of Bathory — grief of the Pope . What it is that prevents a Crusade ? .
1587 Plan of the Pope to buy the Holy Sepulchre from the Turks ........
1588 His complaint of the King of Spain.
1589 The Shah of Persia replies to the Pope's brief
1587 The aspirants to the throne of Poland Only two of them serious : Sigismund of Sweden and
the Russian prince ..... A congregation appointed to deal with this question Instructions to the nuncio Annibale di Capua — eftorts
on behalf of an Austrian archduke The electorial diet proclaim Sigismund (August 19th)
and the Austrian party Maximilian
1588 The archduke defeated and made prisoner (Jan. 24th) Sixtus V. recognizes Sigismund .... Cardinal Ippolito Aldobrandini sent as legate to Poland Influence of the chancellor Zamoiski .
1589 Success of the unwearied efforts of Aldobrandini . The treaty of Beuthen (March) and return of the legate
to Rome ......
Great satisfaction of the Pope ....
1590 Sigismund " a faithful son of the church " — his support
of the Jesuits — his envoy makes the obedientia Overwork and anxiety affect the Pope's health. On July I ith it is rumoured that he is dead . He rallies and takes part in the procession on August
i8th
A heated discussion with Olivares renews the fever
But he persists in working to the end .
His death on August 27th — hatred shown by his
enemies — excitement in Rome. His burial and tomb in St. Mary Major's Deep impression made by Sixtus V. — his greatness The safeguarding and spread of the faith the funda
mental principle of his policy What he accomplished in a reign of five years
PAGE
156 158 159
160 161 162 162
163 164
165
166
167 168 169 171 172
173 174
175 176
177
178 178 179
180
182 184
1 86 188
CHAPTER V.
PATRONAGE OF LEARNING AND ART. THE WATER SUPPLY OF
ROME. NEW STREETS.
Character of the writings dedicated to the Pope
Sixtus V. and the works of Baronius.
His interest in other historical works .
The poems of Bordini and the work by Fontana
The Pope and Tasso ....
His interest in works by Bozio, Ugolini, Orsini and others .......
1586-8 Generosity of Sixtus V. for the Roman University He founds the universities of Fermo, Graz and Quito
189 190 192
193 194
196 197 198
XU TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1587 Bull of April 27th regulating the Vatican Press. . 199
The tasks assigned to it by the Pope . . . .201
Love for building undertakings on a grand scale . . 202
Description of the Villa Montalto .... 203
1585 Sixtus V. restores the channel of the Acqua Ales-
sandrina. ....... 208
Orders this new water supply to be called " Acqua
Felice " . . . . . . . , 209
Difficulties of the work — its speedy accomplishment . 209 What it does for Rome. . . . . .213
Description of the new fountains . . . .215
1590 The Bull of February 19th on the Acqua Felice . . 216
New streets to facilitate visits to the basilicas . .218
The dominant idea of Sixtus V.'s system of streets . 219 Peculiar features of the city of Rome .... 220
Improvement in the streets and piazzas by former
Popes ........ 222
Michelangelo and the Capitol. . . . .223
Sixtus V, carries on and completes the work of his
predecessors . . . . . . .224
Plan for a new system of roads, radiating from St.
Mary Major's ....... 225
1585 This work begun and continued throughout the
pontificate ....... 226
Description of the new streets . . ' . .227
New piazzas — h^^draulic works . . . .232
These improvements necessitate the destruction of
many interesting buildings .... 234
Criticism of the Pope is on the whole not justified . 235
Indifference shown by Fontana to the remains of
antiquity — the Baths of Diocletian — the
Septizonium ....... 236
Christianization of the columns of Trajan and Marcus
Aurelius ........ 238
Significance of the prayer for their dedication . .242
Sixtus V. wished to show that there was but one
Master — Jesus Christ — in the Eternal City . 244
CHAPTER VI.
THE OBELISKS. THE LATERAN PALACE. THE VATICAN LIBRARY.
THE QUIRINAL. THE DOME OF ST. PETER's.
Sixtus V. is not the " declared enemy of antiquity " His idea in the erection of the four obelisks . The Vatican Obelisk — its removal contemplated by earlier Popes . . . . .
1585 Sixtus V. is determined to carry it out — appoints
special commission for the undertaking The plan of Fontana ..... Who at once sets to work — the Pope gives him full
powers . . . . . . .
1586 It is possible to fix April 30th for the raising.
246
247
248
249 250
251
252
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XUl
A.D. PAGE
1586 And September 10 th for its erection . . . . 255
This is accomplished amidst intense excitement —
doubtfuhiess of the legend " Acqua alle funi " . 256 Rewards bestowed on Fontana . . . .257
The literature on this triumph of engineering . .258
Solemn blessing of the obelisk by the Pope (Sept 26th) 259
261 262 263
264 269 270
The inscriptions
Significance of this event
Plans for the position of other obelisks
At St. Mary Major's, the Lateran and the Piazza del
Popolo . Further works by Fontana Transformation of the Lateran palace
274
277
283 286 290 291 299
1587 The Pope personally stimulates the building operations 273 Description of the new Lateran palace The " Sancta Sanctorum " and " Scala Santa ". Work at St. Paul's outside the Walls and other churches 279 Veneration of Sixtus V. for the church of St. Mary
Major's ........ 282
He builds there the Capella Sistina to contain the relics
of the Pr^esepium ..... The tomb of St. Pius V. and his own monument . Buildings of public utility erected Work of Sixtus V. at the Vatican Library . And the Palace of the Vatican .... Additions to the Quirinal — the Pope takes up his
residence there (June, 1590) . . , . 30T
Marvellous building activity of Sixtus V. . . . 302
Descriptions of Rome by contemporaries , . . 305
Completion of the Dome of St. Peter's . . . 306
1590 The last stone of which is placed on May 14th . . 309
Symbolism of the Dome . . . . .311
CHAPTER VIL
THE PONTIFICATE OF URBAN VII.
1590 Lavish use made by the Cardinals of the money of Sixtus V, ..... .
French affairs — The papabili Cardinals
Parties in the Conclave ....
The Spanish party under the leadership of Madruzzo The candidates of Philip IL . Opening of the Conclave on September 8th Efforts on behalf of Colonna ....
Election of Urban VH. fCastagna) on September 14th Personality, family and previous career of the new Pope 323 His work at the Council of Trent and in nunciatures 325 His successful legation at Bologna . . . .327
Satisfaction caused by his election .... 328
The Pope's first thought is for the poor of Rome . . 329
His vigorous constitution gives hope of a long
pontiiicate ....... 330
But he succumbs to an attack of Roman fever and dies
on September 24th . . . . , '331
313 314 315 318
319 320 321 323
XIV
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
i5go
1590
Negotiations for election of his successor
A long and stormy conclave
Effrontery of Olivares .
Who works strongly for Santori
And is vehement against Colonna
And also opposes the candidate of Montalto and
Indignation against Spain in the sacred college
Attempts to obtain election of Madruzzo.
Montalto at head of the an ti -Spanish Cardinals
The Conclave in a state of chaos
Facchinetti or Sfondrato ? . . .
Niccolo Sfondrato elected on December 5th and
the name of Gregory XIV. Supposed prophecy of St. Ma I achy
Sforza
takes
PAGE
333 334 335 33f> 337 338 339 342 344 345 247
348 349
CHAPTER VIII.
THE PONTIFICATE OF GREGORY XIV.
Family and father of Niccolo Sfondrato . . -351
His career — Cardinal in December 1583 . . . 352 His friendship with St. Philip Neri and St. Charles
Borromeo ....... 353
The gentle character of Gregory XIV., his inexperience
of politics — and devotedness to Philip II. . . 354 1 591 The Pope soon gives (January 23rd) signal proof of
good-will to the King of Spain .... 356 The Cardinal-nephew Paolo Emilio Sfondrato . -357 Suffering in the Papal States from bandits, famine
and epidemics. ...... 359
Efforts of the Pope to relieve the miseries of Rome . 360
All civil affairs placed in hands of Card. Sfondrato . 361
Whose head is quite turned ..... 362
And conceals the true state of affairs from the Pope 363
Illness of Gregory XIV. during March and April. . 364 The discontent in Rome — Deputation of the Roman
Senate to the Pope. ..... 365
Trouble with the bandits — capture and execution of
Piccolomini ....... 366
Attitude of Gregory XIV. towards France . . . 367
He decides to support the League .... 368
And to adopt a policy in sympathy with Spain . . 369
Letter from the Pope to Sega, the nuncio in France . 370 Landriano sent to France . . . . -370
Monitorium to the FYench clergy (March ist) . . 371 Gregory XIV. determines to intervene in France by
force of arms ....... 372
Three French Cardinals ordered to separate them- selves from Henry of Navarre (March 28th) . -373 Ercole Sfondrato commander of the Papal expedition
(May 1 2th) 374
The Pope's letter to the inhabitants of Paris — the
instructions for Landriano (May) . . -375
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XV
A.D. PAGE
1 591 Declaration of the Paris Parliament against the Papal
monitoria . . . . . . -376
The Pope decried as " schismatic and the enemy of
peace " . . . . . . . . 377
Sufferings of the Papal army. .... 378
Illness of the Pope (April and July). . . -379
Alfonso II. of Ferrara arrives in Rome (August) . . 379
Question of the succession to his duchy . . .380
Refusal of the Pope to make a great creation of
Cardinals . . . . . . -381
Discussion about the Bull of Pius V. on the disposition
of fiefs ........ 382
Renewed illness of the Pope (September 25th) . 383
His death-bed discourse to the Cardinals (October 4th) 384 Saintly death of Gregory XIV (October 15th) . . 386
Many marks of favour shown to Philip II. . . . 387
Constitution on the choice of bishops (May 15th) . . 389
Other reforms of Gregory XIV. — The " red biretta " . 390 The question of the ' Sixtine Vulgate " . . . 391
Bellarmine's memorial on this subject . . . 393
Constitution concerning right of sanctuary (May 24th) 394 The five Cardinals created by Gregory XIV. . . 395
Gregory XIV. and the Religious Orders . . . 398
Disputes of the Spanish Jesuits .... 400
The Bull confirming the whole Constitution of the
Jesuits (July) . . . . . .401
And abrogating the enactments of Sixtus V. . .401
Effects of this Bull ...... 402
Memorial [by Possevino ?] presented to the Pope on
the affairs of Germany and Switzerland . .403
Its far-reaching suggestions ..... 404 Gregory XIV. able to carry some of them into effect . 405 The Pope and patronage of the arts . . . 406
Gregory XIV. and Pierluigi Palestrina . . . 408
CHAPTER IX.
THE PONTIFICATE OF INNOCENT IX.
1 591 The Conclave — The Spaniards and Montalto — Great annoyance at the Spanish influence (October)
Candidature of Cardinal Facchinetti ....
Changed attitude of Philip II. . . . . .
Made clear from the memorial of Olivares and Sessa
" His majesty does not exclude them " [i.e. Cardinals of Sixtus v.] .......
The Conclave opens on October 27th — two days later
Cardinal Facchinetti is elected .
He takes the name of Innocent IX.
Previous career of the new Pope
His character and disposition .
Joy of the Romans at the election
The Pope in spite of feeble health devotes himself to the duties of his office .....
409 410 410 411
412
412
415 416
417 418
419
XVI TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1 591 His wisdom, punctuality and exactitude — his interest
in every kind of question. .... 420
Division of the secretariate of state into three sections . 42 1 Innocent IX. re-establishes the German Congregation 422 His economy in financial matters .... 422
Reduction of the subsidy to the League — Spanish
anxiety ........ 423
Memorials to the Pope on French affairs . . . 42 3
Displeasure of the Pope with the Catholic adherents of Navarre — Aless. I^arnese urged to invade France (December nth) ...... 424
The great-nephew of Innocent IX, receives the purple
(December i8th) ...... 424
The Pope makes the pilgrimage of the Seven Churches and catches cold (December 21st) — his death on December 30th fills Rome with grief . . .426
Crowds flock to St. Peter's to touch his dead body . 427
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN
APPENDIX.
1 Avviso di Roma of June 8, 1585 .
2 Camillo Capilupi to the Duke of Mantua
3 Avviso di Roma of March i, 1586
4 Avviso di Roma of March 15, 1586
5 Avviso di Roma of March 29th, 1586
6 Avviso di Roma of June 4, 1586.
7 Avviso di Roma of July 30, 1586
8 Avviso di Roma of October i, 1586
9 Avviso di Roma of November 22, 1586
10 Avviso di Roma of January 14, 1587.
1 1 AttiUo Malegnani to the Duke of Mantua
12 AttiHo Malegnani to the Duke of Mantua
13 Avviso di Roma of May 9, 1587.
14 Avviso di Roma of May 13, 1587.
15 Attilio Malegnani to the Duke of Mantua
16 Avviso di Roma of July 4, 1587.
17 Attilio Malegnani to the Duke of Mantua
18 Attilio Malegnani to the Duke of Mantua
19 Avviso di Roma of September 2, 1587.
20 Avviso di Roma of September 19, 1587
21 Avviso di Roma of September 26, 1587
22 Avviso di Roma of January 30, 1588.
23 Avviso di Roma of March 2, 1588
24 Avviso di Roma of June 18, 1588
25 Awiso di Roma of July 20, 1588
26 Avviso di Roma of July 27, 1588
27 Matteo Brumano to the Duke of Mantua
28 Avviso di Roma of October 12, 1588.
29 Avviso di Roma of October 19, 1588.
30 Avviso di Roma of October 26, 1588.
31 Diarium P. Alaleonis, October 30, 1588
32 Avviso di Roma of February 18, 1589.
33 Avviso di Roma of March 22, 1589
34 Avviso di Roma of April 26, 1589
35 Avviso di Roma of June 14, 1589
36 Avviso di Roma of July i, 1589.
37 Avviso di Roma of July 26, 1589.
38 Avviso di Roma of July 29, 1589.
39 Avviso di Roma of September 10, 1589
40 Avviso di Roma of October 7, 1589
41 Avviso di Roma of September 19, 1590
42 Federico Cataneo to the Duke of Mantua
xvii
PAGE 428 428
428
429 429
429
430 430 431 431 431 431 432 432 432
433 433 433 434 434 434 434 434 435 435 436 436 436 436 437 437 437 438 438 438 438 438 439 439 439
b
XVlll LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS.
43 Lelio Maretti, Conclave of Oregon^ XIV.
44 Memorial for Pope Gregory XIV. on the Catholic
restoration in Germany, 1591
45 Pope Gregory XIV. to Cardinal Lenoncourt
46 Pope Gregory XIV. to Card. Ascanio Colonna
47 Avviso di Roma of October 16, 1591 .
48 Cardinal Lod. INIadruzzo to Giacomo Kurz
49 Avviso di Roma of November 13, 1591
30 Avviso di Roma of November 27, 1591
31 Avviso di Roma of December 7, 1591 .
32 Avviso di Roma of January i, 1592 .
I'AGK
440
443 448
449 450 451 451 452 452 452
CHAPTER I.
Trial and Execution of Mary Stuart. — The Spanish
Armada.
The brief pontificate of Sixtus V. marks a decisive turning point in the lot of the CathoHcs of England. In the first place, with the execution of Mary Stuart, all hopes disappeared of seeing the English crown on the head of a Catholic after the death of Elizabeth, while the destruction of the Spanish Armada in the following year, made it clear that they could no longer hope for the restoration of the old religion by the help of a foreign power.
When Sixtus V. ascended the throne, some seventeen years had elapsed since the Queen of Scots had sought for help in England, and had found instead a prison. Her beauty, once so lauded, had faded ; her good name had been dragged in the mire ; her health had become so broken that often she could hardly stand on her feet.^ But the compassion which is wont to be felt for the rights of the oppressed made the helpless prisoner a greater danger to her enemies than she could ever have become as a free princess. There was there- fore an ever growing desire on the part of the rulers of England to put an end to the ceaseless threats from abroad and con- spiracies at home by an act of violence. As early as 1572, John Knox had demanded the death of Mary ; his successors in this demand were the Puritans, who dominated England by means of Leicester and Walsingham. According to the ideas of that sect Elizabeth was provoking the anger of God in allowing Mary to live any longer, for " woe to the shepherd that nourisheth the wolf in his sheepfold, woe to the husband- man that driveth not forth the wild boar from the vineyard
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, INIaria Stuart, I., 23.
VOL. XXIT. I
2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the Lord." Were Jezabel and Athalia, who were put to death by the command of God, less guiUy than the queen of Scotland ?^ Even at that time Walsingham looked upon Mary's life as a constant menace of death to Elizabeth, and even in state dispatches he described her in 158 1 as the serpent which England was nourishing in her bosom. 2
An excellent opportunity of winning over public opinion, as well as English statesmen, to decisive action against the Queen of Scots and the Catholics as a body, was given to the crafty secretary of state in 1584 by the murder of William of Orange. If the Catholic King could employ violence in the case of Orange, it was easy to persuade the English Protestants by means of this precedent that their own queen could do the same in the case of the Catholics. Rumours of attempts against the queen, for the most part fictitious, and condemna- tions to death of those supposed to be guilty of attacks upon the life of Elizabeth, fanned still more the popular indignation. This reached its height v/ith the trial of Parry, because it was thought to prove that not only the agent of Mary Stuart in Paris, but the Pope's secretary of state himself, had approved of plans for the murder of Elizabeth.^ The excitement of those days not only gave the English ministers an excuse for passing the terrible laws against the Catholics, but also supplied them with the desired pretext for notably pushing forward their designs against Mary Stuart.* Everywhere in England hundreds of Protestants pledged themselves in the churches to persecute in every way, and even to death, any who threatened the life of Elizabeth, and anyone on whose behalf she was menaced. Corresponding legislative proposals followed, and even though the laws that were eventually issued fell short of the promises held out by this Protestant alliance,
^ Ibid., 56 seq.
2 " The bosom serpent." C/. Pollen in the Month, CIX. (1907), pp. 356 seq.
^ Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, pp. 453 seq.
* " Les desfiances sont sy grandes a present parde^:a, que Ion a subson des ombres." Castelnau, January i, 1584, in Pollen, Mary, xxiv.
WALSINGHAM S SPIES. 3
Walsingham had nevertheless obtained a great deal. England had become accustomed to the idea that it would be possible to shed the blood even of a queen and the heir to the throne.^
In order, however, actually to lay hands upon Mary Stuart, it was necessary to have proof that she had personally been concerned in a conspiracy against Elizabeth. According to the revelations of Parry, such proof could be found in the papers of Morgan, and Elizabeth actually obtained his arrest from Henry III.^ In all probability the hot-headed and incautious Welshman had indeed taken part in machinations against the life of Elizabeth, but without the connivance of Mary. 3 But Morgan was warned in time before his arrest, and nothing incriminating was found among his papers.*
It thus became necessary for them to spy upon Mary her- self, and to entrap her by means of those arts, in the use of which the creatures of Walsingham were past masters. There was a whole army of spies in the service of the secretary of state, who, in the guise of friends, won the confidence of their victims, and, if necessary, even incited them to conspiracy, that they might then employ the arm of the law against them. Parry is but one example of such creatures. Walsingham employed spies in eleven cities of France, seven of Flanders, three of Holland, and six of Spain, and outside Europe in Algiers and Constantinople.^ In Rome he employed the exile
^ Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 455, and Pollen, loc. cit., xxiii-xxx.
2 Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 74-88.
3 Pollen in the Month, CIX. (1907), 364.
* Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 80. " They had not only writing or letter to hurt any in the world ; but after their old manner, they have forged some writings by all appearance to terrify the good people of England." Morgan, July 20, 1585, ibid., 81.
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 144. Burgon [Life and Times of Sir Thomas Gresham, I., 95) to some extent gives various numbers ; on one occasion he enlisted 53 spies abroad besides 18 others whose duties could not be officially defined. Diet, of Nat. Biog., LIX., 238.
4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Solomon Aldred, who was in the enjoyment of a pension which he had received from Gregory XIII., and acted as an agent of the Holy Office.^ Among the English Catholics there was no family or person of note who was not kept under surveillance.- In the French embassy in London, Cherelles was in the pay of the secretary of state, and he handed over the code used by Mary, though he adjured the man to whom he gave it to let nothing be known of the transaction, saying that he could not, for all the gold in the world, bear the shame of having what he had done made public. ^ For these purposes of espionage the government made use of people who belonged to the dregs of humanity, broken and desperate men, and not infrequently impoverished gentlemen, who were not ashamed in their poverty to share the booty of the robbers ;* for, as Walsingham wrote to the English ambassador in Paris, ^ it is necessary to pay rascals so that honest folk may succeed in discovering the truth. The most repulsive of these scoundrels made their way into the English seminaries on the continent, where they simulated piety and zeal for the Church, received the sacraments and were ordained priests, in order the better to carry on their espionage and serve their master.
To win the confidence of the imprisoned queen for one of
1 Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 147, Aldred was of opinion that it was better to serve men than God ; because men pay with gold and God with martyrdom (ibid). One of Elizabeth's Privy Councillors told Charles Arundel that the queen would have given a Cardinal in Rome 20,000 scudi to spy out the secrets of the court and its intentions towards England. Arundel reported this to Gregory XIII. Santori, Autobiografia, XIII., 166 ; cf. Acta consist, (of Card. Santori), 854.
2 Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 145. ^Ibid., 183.
* Thus e.g. Sir George Gifford ; see Pollen in the Month, CX. (1907), 245 ; Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 146 seq. Cf. the sketch given by Pollen {loc. cit., 243-253 ; Mary, xxxv. seqq.) of R. Bruce, R. Poley, George Gifford, N. Berden, Gilbert Gifford and Savage.
5 January 25, 1585, in Pollen, the Month, CX., 244.
MARY AT CHARTLEY. 5
these spies was naturally a diiBcnlt matter, but against his will Mary's imprudent agent, Thomas Morgan, came to Walsingham's assistance in this. His own imprisonment in the Bastille prevented Morgan from forming a sound judgment concerning the visitors who asked him to recommend them to Mary. Thus it came about that persons in Walsingham's service, made their way to her armed with letters of recom- mendation from Morgan, and on the strength of these letters won her confidence. As Allen said later on,^ it was Mary's own servants who hastened her to her ruin.
The " conspiracy " and trial of Parry had brought to the Queen of Scots an increased severity in her imprisonment ; at the end of 1585 she was taken to Chartley, an ancient. and unhealthy castle, within the cold walls of which at first the most ordinary conveniences of life were lacking. ^ The Catholics looked upon it as an ominous sign when the custody of Mary was no longer entrusted to a member of the higher nobility, but to a man of lesser rank, Amias Poulet, who was moreover entirely devoted to the principles of the Puritans, the mortal enemies of the queen. ^ Mary remained for three months in her new abode, cut off from all contact with the outside world. ^ She was then informed that she could receive and dispatch letters by means of her vintner, in the casks which he brought full and took away empty, and for the first time after a long period was the captive queen able to rejoice in receiving proofs of the attachment of her friends. She had no suspicion that a trap was being laid for her, but no single letter made its way in or out in the casks which, after being decoded by the skilful Thomas Phelippes, was not conveyed to Walsingham.5 The very first letter which Mary received
^ In Pollen, loc. oit., 243.
2 Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 120 scq. It would seem that Mary herself wished to leave Tutbury. Pollen, Mary, lii.
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, L, 118, 129. Cf. the Letter Book of Sir Amias Poulet, keeper of Mary Queen of Scots, ed. John Morris, London, 1874.
* Kervyn de Lettenhove, L, 133 ; Pollen. Mary, Ivi.
5 Kervyn de Lettenhove, L, 190. With regard to Phelippes see ibid., 160-163, and Pollen, Mary, liii., scq.
b HISTORY OF THE POPES.
through her vintner was the first mesh in the net in which the queen became more deeply entangled, for it contained a letter of recommendation from Morgan of Gilbert Gifford, that crafty man who, to use the expression of Henry III., had been charged by the lords of Elizabeth's Privy Council to destroy the Queen of Scots, and who carried out his task in a masterly way.^
Gilbert Gifford who was a member of a good Catholic family of Staffordshire, had, in obedience to his father's wishes, devoted himself to a life of preparation for the ecclesiastical state. After two years he exchanged Allen's seminary at Rheims for the English College in Rome ; he was expelled from thence for bad conduct, but by means of a repentance which was probably insincere, obtained from the rector of the college a letter of recommendation to Allen. Out of con- sideration for Gifford 's family Allen let himself be persuaded to help him to make a fresh attempt, but instead of actually entering the seminary at Rheims, Gifford made his way to Paris and London, and probably was thenceforward in touch with Walsingham. He then went to Rome, to the spy Aldred, and thence to Allen at Rheims, where he once more, with many tears and admissions of his faults, admirably succeeded in playing the part of the returned prodigal. Allen was weak enough to let himself be touched with pity, and he gave Gifford shelter, assigning him a minor position in the teaching staff of the institute. ^ The result was a grave disaster for
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 176. Morgan wrote on January 25, 1586, that he had only given Gifford a few lines {ibid., 180) ; on the other hand in the form in which his letter of recommenda- tion was given it is of considerable length {ibid., 191). It was amplified, we must suppose, by Phelippes. The draft of the letter, written in PheHppes' hand, is dated in the o]d style {ibid., 185).
2 Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 148-152 ; Pollen in The Month, ex. (1907), 249 seqq., and Mary, xlii seq. ; Tee in the Diet, of Nat. Biog., XXL, 302 seq. Froude and Hosack make Gilbert Gifford a Jesuit, Kretzschmar (112) attributes the entire fault (without any proof) of the whole Babington Plot to the Jesuits. On the contrary Gilbert Gifford was the declared enemy
GILBERT GIFFORD. 7
the seminary of Rheims, for within its walls was devised the plan for the assassination of Elizabeth, which, in its results, formed one of the most serious blows which fell upon the EngUsh Catholics.
At the same time as Gilbert Gifford there was in the seminary at Rheims his kinsman, William Gifford, a professor of theology, who afterwards, when he had entered the Benedictine Order and become Archbishop of Rheims, was a man of great distinction, but who at that time, embittered by the party strife among the English exiles, was in communi- cation, perhaps not always blameless, with Walsingham and his tools. 1 For some months during 1581 there was also in the college John Savage, a man of limited intelligence, who suffered himself to be led by Gilbert Gifford as though he had no will of his own. After he had done his military service, first with Leicester, and afterwards with the Duke of Parma, Savage again stayed at Rheims (i 583-1585), and it would seem was once more a member of the seminary. 2 In a conversation he had with the two Giffords, in the summer of 1585, concern- ing the attempts to kill Elizabeth, Savage received the impression that the professor of theology, William Gifford, looked upon such acts as good and praiseworthy, and three weeks later he resolved to take upon himself the carrying out
of the Jesuits ; at the instigation of Morgan he composed, together with Grately a polemic against them, which has disappeared, but which was probably for the next twenty years the authority for writings against the Jesuits (Pollen in The Month, CIII. (1904), 357 n. ; CXIX. (1912), 302 ; Lee, loc. cit., 303). The antagonism of Morgan, William Gifford and others for the Jesuits was con- nected with a division among English and Welsh parties of the English exiles, into which we cannot enter here, Cf. Lechat, 157 seqq.
^ Cf. the controversy concerning him between E. C. Butler, O.S.B. and J. H. Pollen in The Month, CIII. (1904), 243 seqq., 348 seqq. A letter to Walsingham of April 18, 1586, does honour to William Giftord : printed in I^ollen, loc. cit., 248.
2 Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 178 seq. : Pollen in The Monti ex. (1907), 250 seq., and Mary, xliii.
8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of such a plan.^ In August, 1585, he went to London with that purpose, though how and when it was to be accompHshed he had no idea. At first he wandered about the city, waiting for chance to give him a good opportunity. It would seem, however, that Gilbert Gifford did not take Savage seriously, for when, later on, he entered upon a closer relationship with Walsingham, there was nothing to show that he had ever really entertained any fears for the queen's life.
When on September 23rd, 1585, orders were issued for Mary Stuart to be imprisoned at Chartley, Gilbert Gifford, on October 8th, suddenly turned his back on the seminary at Rheims, obtained in Paris a letter of recommendation from Morgan to the Queen of Scots, and placed himself at the disposal of Walsingham in London, who put him in touch with the forger and cypher-reader, Phelippes.^ Thence- forward it was Gifford who laid the snares to bring about the death of the prisoner of Chartley.^ It was he who put himself in touch with Mary's vintner, and acted as her intermediary^ in her correspondence with the French ambassador, taking care, however, that all Mary's letters should first reach the
1 The only source for these events is the confession of Savage in his interrogatory (Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 306). This confession has only reached us in a mutilated form {ibid., 308). In this as in other documents the name of Gilbert is deliberately suppressed, so as to conceal his participation from the conspirators. The whole blame is thrown on William Gifford, but from the character of the latter it is extremely improbable that he would have approved of the regicide. Gilbert Gifford will have skilfully informed him of the questions which later on he interpreted in his own way before Savage. Pollen (Mary, xlv. ; The Month, ex., 251) discovered a version of the confession of Savage in which Gilbert's name was not suppressed. Cf. Butler, loc. cit., 254 seqq. ; Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 179.
2 Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 181, 184.
' " Lequel (Gifford) ne demandoit autre chose que de faire tomber la royne d'Escosse en une conjuration contre la vie de la royne d'Angleterre, laquelle estant descouverte, ils pussent inciter la dicte royne a la faire mourir." Chateauneuf, the French ambassador, in Kervyn de Lettenhove, L, 188.
ANTONY BABINGTON. 9
hands of Phelippes and Walsingham.^ Gifford's family had not the least suspicion of the dastardly part being played by Gilbert, who had the effrontery to ask for a reward from both Walsingham and Mary, 2 and later on, while in the midst of his disgraceful intrigues, had himself ordained priest, ^ in order to win the confidence of the Catholics.*
At first the letters of the prisoner contained nothing serious ; Poulet complained of this to Walsingham, and thenceforward there were to be found in Mary's letters, that is to say in the copies which have been preserved, and which are all from the hand of Phelippes, demands for vengeance on Elizabeth and for help from abroad.^ But this was not enough for Walsingham, for it was necessary to involve Mary in a plot against the life of Elizabeth. It was therefore first of all necessary to set such a plot on foot, by adding more important fellow conspirators to the insignificant Savage. According to the report of the French ambassador, it was again Gilbert Gifford who set himself to this task,^ and he turned his atten- tion to Antony Babington, a young and wealthy Catholic gentleman, aged 24, who had given himself up to a life of pleasure in London with his young companions,"^ a life which did not prevent occasional outbursts of religious enthusiasm. As a page of Shrewsbury, Babington had made the acquaintance of Mary Stuart, and up to a few months before her removal to Chartley had acted as go-between in the correspondence of the captive queen. ^ It was not, however, Gifford himself who involved Babington, but another equally scandalous seminarist, John Ballard.
^ Ibid., 190, 196, 200. He never entered into personal relations with Mary {ibid., 214), though he wrote to her {ibid., 19S).
2 Ibid., 196.
=^At Rheims on March 14, 1587; see Pollen, Mary, 122; Lee, loc. cit., 303.
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, II., 512 seq.
"■ Ibid., I., 198.
•■' Ibid., 222.
' Ibid., 223-227.
•* Ibid., 224. That he was not jNIary's page, see Pollen, Mary, cv,, 50.
10 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ballard, it would seem, had begun his career as the opponent of Mary Stuart. In 1578 he had offered himself to the English ambassador in Paris as a spy upon Morgan and the French court, but with the condition that he should not be insulted by a large reward for his services.^ But in the following year, having graduated at Cambridge, he entered Allen's seminary at Rheims, and in 1581 began his sacerdotal work in England ; this soon brought him into prison, from which, however, he soon escaped. ^ Both in prison and in his escape, he was accompanied by Antony Tyrell, a nervous and excitable priest, who afterwards four times apostatized from the Catholic Church, and four times returned to her, and who at one time made the most disgraceful depositions against Catholic priests, and then retracted them.^ Ballard's enthusiasm for his ecclesiastical labours came to an end after his first arrest. In 1584 he set out for Rome. Tyrell accompanied him, and later on, when he had fallen into the hands of the English government, made the most extra- ordinary allegations against his companion. In Milan before Owen Lewis, in Rome before the rector of the English College, the General of the Jesuits, and Gregory XIII. himself, and in Rheims before Allen, Ballard was made out to have laid plans for the murder of Elizabeth, and to have claimed the approval of the Pope and the Jesuits. Afterwards Tyrell retracted what he had said, and asserted that there was not a word of truth in his accusations.* That Ballard principally
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 76.
^ Pollen, Mary, Ixvi. seqq.
^ Ibid., Ixviii. seqq.
* In his retractation, he thus described all that he had related concerning his journey to Rome : " A long and monstrous tale, and most untrue. Neither was there ever any such speech or negotiations with the persons in any of the places named, neither would we ever have durst to have proposed any such thing unto them, if Ballard or I had been so wicked to conceive it, as thank God we never were " (Pollen, Mary, Ixxvi.). If we can put trust in this hysterical man anywhere, it is only in the case of his retractation. He made it in a public pulpit before a Protestant
JOHN BALLARD. II
devoted himself to politics seems clear from the fact that when Tyrell was imprisoned in 1586 he feared the suspicions and anger of the English authorities chiefly on account of his relations with Ballard.^
On his return from Rome Ballard went to seek out in Paris Morgan, Mary's representative, and his friends, and under their influence became more and more filled with the idea that he was called to do great things, and to initiate a great change in favour of the Queen of Scots and the Catholic religion. 2 He began to visit the castles of the nobles whom he thought to be well disposed to the employment of violence against Elizabeth, and at their instigation, went to Scotland to inquire into the sentiments of the nobles there. There, at the beginning of 1586, he especially treated with the most important of the supporters of the Queen of Scots, Claude Hamilton, who was closely connected with the royal house, and was in near succession to the throne. It was also quite in keeping with his grand plans that, in the course of his travels in England, he sought to make the acquaintance of the nobility, travelled in great splendour, and expended large sums of money on entertainments and banquets. He was possessed in a high degree of social gifts and talents, while one cannot but admire his behaviour, later on, when faced with a disgraceful death. But even though in other respects Tyrell is not to be trusted, he has hit the mark when he makes Ballard's outstanding characteristic the ambition ^ which led him to aspire to a position which was quite beyond his capacity. Ballard was not a statesman in any sense of the word. He was lacking in cool judgment and circumspection, and that which calm reflection would have shown to have been a bare possibility, his lively imagination painted as a practical
audience, which was expecting anything but a retractation, which cost him the loss of a lucrative office which he desired, and placed him in prison instead {ibid., Ixx. seq., Ixxii. seq.). For Tyrell see Diet, of Nat. Biog., LVH., 437.
^ Pollen, Mary, Iviii.
^ Ibid., Ixxvii., Ixxix.
' Ibid., Ixxviii.
12 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
reality. That he should have looked upon extreme measures of violence as lawful and excusable for the attainment of his ends may be to some extent explained by his residence in Flanders and France, where, in the struggles between the Gueux and the Huguenots, the most elementary principles of right and morality had become undermined among manj^ people. Persons described Ballard as an ecclesiastic gone astray ;^ to understand the whole of his conduct it is necessary to keep before one's mind the fact that the priests in England had no bishop, or other superior over them, and that they were able to act according to their own wishes.
They were fateful moments for the English Catholics when, at the beginning of 1586, Ballard was initiated into the schemes of John Savage, and came to the decision to go to Paris in order to discuss with Morgan and Paget the carrying out of those plans ; soon afterwards he got into touch with Babington and his friends, spoke to them of the imminent arrival of foreign troops in England, and promised them in his lordly manner high position and great rewards, if they would cross the seas and join the hostile armies. Ballard thought that he was acting in the most profound secrecy ; he had no suspicion that Walsingham had already turned his attention to him, and that he had been given, to accompany him on his journey, under the guise of a trusty friend, his paid employe, Bernard Maude. About the same time Gilbert Gifford boasted to Phelippes that it would soon be possible to find out all that was going on among the Catholics.^
Ballard carried out his project of going to Paris in the spring of the year 1586. By the help of Paget, Morgan's representative, he obtained access to the Spanish ambassador, Bernardino de Mendoza, and explained to him how favourable the circumstances were for a military expedition against England, saying that a new courage was animating the English Catholics, that the armed forces of England were engaged in Flanders, and that four of the nobles had given their word
1 " Un cierto clerigo desviado (Kervyn de Lettenhove, L, 211, n. i). Frere (244 seq.) makes Ballard a Jesuit.
2 Pollen, Mary, Ixxxii. seq.
THE BABINGTON PLOT. I3
to murder Elizabeth. Mendoza replied to Ballard in general terms, but that was quite enough for the hot-headed enthusiast, and he returned to London without waiting to speak a second time with Mendoza.^ On May 22nd, 1586, there reached London a certain Captain Fortescue, in a blue velvet doublet and a plumed hat, who was shortly to be seen in every inn and tavern. 2 This was Ballard in disguise, whose aspirations to a name and fame was soon to be satisfied by a world-wide reputation, though in quite another sense from that which he dreamed of. He at once talked with Babington, just as though Mendoza had made him solemn promises of the most far-reaching kind, and the carrying out of the plan were certain. According to him, the Catholic powers had united in an alliance, preparations had been made for an expedition against England during the coming summer, the like of which the world had never seen. The Pope was to be the head of the enterprise, the French under Guise or Mayenne, and the Spaniards under the Duke of Parma would pour into England with 60,000 men ; whoever failed to join them would run the risk of losing all he possessed. At first Babington raised some objections : the foreign princes had their hands tied by the disturbances in their own countries, so how could they ever find the means to call into being so vast an army, and convey it across the seas ? In England their coming would meet with but little support. As long as Elizabeth was alive, he added, the government would be in strong hands. These remarks gave Ballard the opportunity of disclosing the worst part of his plan. Steps have been taken, he replied, to see that her life shall not stand in the way. The instrument chosen for this purpose will be Savage, who has bound himself by oath to carry it out, as well as several others.^
Ballard also spoke in the same sense with Babington's friends, among whom his disclosures led to lively discussions. We stand between two serious dangers, said Babington : from the government we have to fear lest it destroy the
* Ibid., Ixxxvii. seq., xciii. seqq.
2 Kervyn de Lettenhove, L, 219.
' Babington's first confession, in Pollen, Mary, 52.
14 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Catholics, either by a massacre, or by laws by means of which it will hold the lives of every Catholic in its hands ; on the other hand we have to fear lest the foreigner should take possession of the country, and pillage and subdue it. And what of the position of the Catholics ? Printed books main- tain the view that no Papist can be a good subject, from which it naturally follows that it is right to wish to exterminate them. The government knows to what lengths desperation will drive men ; it must therefore either lighten the burdens of the Catholics, of which there is no hope, or exterminate them, as soon as a convenient pretext for so doing is presented. The best course would be to leave England to its fate, said Babing- ton. At the death of the queen there would beyond all doubt be reason to fear civil war, because of the many claimants to the throne ; the successor of the ailing Mary Stuart could only be James of Scotland, in whom the friends of Babington had no confidence at all.^
But in spite of certain doubts the conspiracy made progress. Savage was set aside, and the whole affair was entrusted to Babington. 2 On June 7th, 1586, Ballard and Babington had a conversation at the village of St. Giles, at which they discussed the murder of Elizabeth and the liberation of Mary Stuart, who was then to mount the English throne.^ Not long afterwards, Gilbert Gifford, Walsingham's spy, was received into the number of the conspirators,* and the secretary of state could thus be assured that he would be informed of everything that Babington and his friends decided upon in the deepest secrecy. When, a short time after the meeting of June 7th, Ballard undertook a journey through England, in order to sound the feelings of the aristocracy, he was
1 Babington, ihid., 54 seqq.
2 Pollen, ex. List of 18 conspirators, ibid., cxvi.
3 Thus the Indictment against Babington, which also makes Gilbert Gifford a participator in the plot. Later on the name of Gilbert was omitted in the documents of the case. Pollen, cxiv. For the reason, see ibid., cxv.
* Ibid., cxv.
THE BABINGTON PLOT. I5
accompanied by Walsingham's tool, Bernard Maude. ^ Immediately, by order of the secretary of state, Gifford went to Paris, to watch Morgan more closely ; on his return, Babington, who was still hesitating, asked him what was the opinion of the French theologians concerning the plans of the conspirators, and as Gifford could give him no information on the subject, he sent him back to France to make inquiries. ^
Although Babington and his associates continued to discuss the raising of the country districts, and the carrying out of the plot, neither he nor his accomplices were free from anxieties. One of the latter put forward the plan of merely making Elizabeth a prisoner in a fortress, and surrounding her with Catholic ministers. It was perhaps only in order to conceal his intentions that Babington tried to obtain from Walsingham leave to go abroad. It was unfortunate for him that, for this purpose, he sought the mediation of Robert Poley, one of Walsingham's vilest tools, who, in his dealings with the Catholics, feigned piety, in order the better to betray them. Poley welcomed the advances of Babington in such a friendly way, that the heedless young man opened his heart to the traitor, both as to the conspiracy and his own doubts ; Poley naturally seized upon the opportunity to quiet his scruples and to encourage Babington in his plot. Walsingham himself three times received the hesitating conspirator, and tried to win him over as a tool in his designs upon Mary Stuart, but Babington turned a deaf ear to his suggestions, as well as to his guarded hints and warnings.^
In the opinion of a contemporary, not long afterwards,* the fire of the plot would have been put out with a few drops of water, or rather would have died out of itself, as soon as its basis, the Franco-Spanish attack which was supposed to be intended, was realized to be a chimera. But Walsingham wanted the hesitating conspirators to adhere firmly to their design, and in this Mary herself came to their assistance. As
^ Ibid., cxvii.
^ Ibid., cxviii.
^ Ibid., cxx-cxxix.
* Southwell, 1591, ibid., cli.
l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Babington had been the first intermediary for conveying to him letters from Mary Stuart, Morgan formed the idea of renewing those relations, and in consequence Mary addressed to Babington a request that he would hand over to her envoy any letters for him which he might still happen to possess.^ Walsingham at once realized the importance of this note : if Babington complied, it was very probable that Mary would become involved in his plans. It therefore became supremely important to give new life to the already waning conspiracy. This task was undertaken by Gilbert Gifford. He complained to Savage of his everlasting irresolution, while to Babington, referring him to Mary's agent, Charles Paget, he confirmed all those things which Ballard claimed to have understood from the lips of Mendoza : namely, that before September a hostile force would be landed upon English soil, and that a levy of a great number of troops had already been made.^ Babington again gave expression to his doubts : he wished first of all to be assured by some authority beyond the seas — probably Allen — of the lawfulness of the undertaking ; it was therefore necessary that the preliminary measures should be completed, and that the rewards for carrying out the danger- ous scheme should be rendered quite certain. Until all this was done, Gifford must engage to hold back Savage and the others from any attack upon the queen ; if this were not done he swore that he would reveal the whole affair to the queen. ^ It was perhaps in consequence of a letter from Mary to himself, or perhaps even before he received it,* that Babington, in spite of his hesitation and his own doubts, sent the fatal documents by which he explained to the Queen of Scots, and
1 Pollen, cxxx.
2 Ibid., cxxxv.
3 " Untill all which were don, I advised him to witholde such as were imployed against the Queens person. ... If he did not, I protested and swore I would discover it unto the Queen." Ibid., 6i.
* Ibid., cxxxvii. Babington says in his eighth confession that he had written to Mary : " To think to move the Scottish Queen, to deale the more roundely and readily." Ibid., 91.
MARY AND THE PLOT. 1 7
thus, as can readily be understood, to the secretary of state, the whole plan of the conspiracy.^ He set forth how, as a result of the communications made to him by Ballard con- cerning the plans of the Catholic princes, he had formed the desire of offering his services to Mary, and then went on to mention the principal matters involved ; among these appeared the plan for " getting rid of the usurper of the throne."^ He even came back a second time to this matter ; with ten nobles and a hundred others, he said, he intended to undertake the liberation of Mary ; as for " the removal of the usurper," this would be undertaken by six nobles of his acquaintance.^ Mary was asked to appoint the leader of the insurrection, to give authority to Babington, and to guarantee " suitable rewards for the carrying out of the tragical " undertaking.
When he read this letter, Nau, Mary's secretary, advised her to leave it unanswered.* During the past few months the captive queen had refused two plans for her liberation, though she thanked those who had put them forward ; but now, when it was no longer an individual loyalist who wished to become her cavalier, and it seemed that she was offered an alliance of the Catholic princes, and that an enterprise against Elizabeth was already decided upon, she determined on July I2th to accept Babington's proposals.^
Mary was not blind to the vagueness and incompleteness of all these projects, and pointed out^ that first of all every- thing must be thought out and prepared to the smallest detail. First of all it was necessary to be quite certain of foreign help, and to be sure that all the work of preparation
^ Ibid., 18-23, written about the 6 (16) of July, 1586, and reached Mary's hands on the 12 (22) of July {ibid., 24).
2 " The dispatch of the usurping Competitor." Pollen, 20, n. iv.
^ " For the dispatch of the usurper ... six noble gentlemen . . . will undertake that tragicall execution." Ibid., 21, n. viii.
* Pollen, Mary, 148.
'•' Ibid., cxli.
« Ibid., 38-46.
VOL. XXII. 2
l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had been carried out, and that only after the blow had been struck against Elizabeth could there be any thought of her own liberation. With regard to the matter which certainly lay nearest of all to the heart of Babington, Mary expressed herself with great reserve. Babington had asked for autho- rity to assure his friends of a reward for their blow against Elizabeth.^ To this Mary would not agree. ^ She promised rewards, it is true, but not for the six, nor for their particular undertaking, but only in general and for her own liberation. But any authorization in virtue of her royal authority Mary did not give.^ On the other hand she did not expressly find fault with the blow against Elizabeth. She looked upon herself as lawfully queen, with all the rights and powers belonging to one in that position, and did not look upon it as her duty to instruct the subjects of a foreign sovereign as to their civil duties, the more so that, if the projected attempt were to take place, the war on her behalf and against Elizabeth would already have broken out. Later on, and indeed immediately before her death, she asserted that she had not approved the projected assassination, and from all that is known of her it is impossible to suppose that she would " have appeared before her heavenly judge with a lie upon her lips."^
^ " It resteth that . . . their heroical attempt male bee honorably rewarded . . . and that so much I male bee able by your Majestys authoritie to assure them," Ibid., 22.
2 Gifford to Walsingham, July 11, 1586, ibid., 107.
2 " Remitting to the judgment of our principall trends on this side with whome you have to deale herein, to ordaine (and) conclude upon this present ... as you shall amongst you find best ; and to yourself in particular I refer to assure the gentlemen above mentioned of all that shal bee requisite of my part to the entier execution of thie good willes. I leave also to your common resolutions, etc. (Pollen, Mary, 42). 1 doe and will thinck my self obliged, as long as I live, towardes you for the offers you make to hazard your self as you do for mie delivery, and by anie means ... I shall doe my endevour to recognise by effects your desertes herein " {Ibid., 45). Cf. the remarks of Pollen, ibid., 33 seqq.
*Thus Bresslau in Hist. Zeitschr., LII. (1884), 288.
MARY AND THE PLOT. I9
Moreover, according to Mary's intention, the letter she wrote to Babington at that time was not intended to be final, and in the course of the correspondence further opportunities were bound to present themselves for entering more minutely into the particulars of Babington's plan.
At the end of the letter Phelippes added a forged postscript, by which Babington was asked to state the names of the six nobles.^ Babington could hardly reply to this request, because the six were not as yet finally decided upon.^
By this letter Mary had placed herself in Walsingham's hands. On August 2nd Phelippes asked him what was now to be done with Babington, whether he was to be arrested, or whether the game that was being played with him was to continue.^ Walsingham hesitated for more than a month. He knew that with men like Babington and Savage there was no real danger, and that in the meantime it might be possible to learn something more of their secret designs.
In the meantime the conspirators could not help becoming aware of the uselessness of their plans. Some weeks after Mary's letter, Ballard returned from his tour in the north, and he had been forced to realize that the Catholics were very far from having thoughts of a rebellion. Those who ought
1 Pollen, Mary, 45. That the postscript had been added to the letter when Babington received it is placed beyond doubt by its mention in the confessions of Babington and Dunne. Walsing- ham too makes mention of the postscript. Ibid., clxvi.
2 " The sixe for taking away the Queen were never named nor sounded nor in my owne determination resolued upon." The second confession of Babington, n. 21, in Pollen, Mar}^ 75. The controversy whether the steps concerning the killing of Elizabeth were falsified in the letters of Babington and Mary was also declared by Brosch (VL, 584) to be insoluble. We follow the opinion of Pollen, who considers both the letters to be authentic (Mary, cxxxvii., 31-33). The forged postscript was certainly found attached to the letter when this reached the hands of Babington ; this is clear from the words of Babington, Dunne and Walsingham themselves {ibid., clxvi.),
^ Ibid., cl.
20 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to be the most eager, he complained to Babington, are the most lukewarm, and this only bore out the saying that the older men are the colder they become ;^ he told Gilbert Gifford that for the success of the undertaking it was necessary to have Mary Stuart's consent, signed and sealed, and that otherwise no one would listen and all would be in vain ; some had even openly threatened to denounce him.^ In order to close to Ballard every way of escape, he now received from Morgan 3 orders to give the Queen of Scots no information as to the steps being taken by the conspirators, so as not to solicit her authority. Ballard was now in a position of the greatest difficulty ; he could not withdraw, because the matter was too far advanced, nor could he go forward. He said, with tears in his eyes, that he had forfeited his good name, and that thousands would perish through his fault, because, trusting to Mendoza and Paget, he had pledged himself to many people.^
Ballard now thought of going to France in order to obtain information from Mendoza. Even more significant of the utter folly of the conspirators were the instructions which at this moment Babington gave to the traitor Gifford. The latter was to go to the continent in order to obtain from those in authority tranquillizing replies to certain questions. These concerned the real intention of the foreign powers to give their assistance, and the rewards which the conspirators were to receive ; above all Gifford was to bring back the assurance
^ The first confession of Babington, ibid., 56 : " those, that should be most forward were most slowe and the older the colder."
2 " Withoute the which, saied he, we laboure in vain, and these men will not heare us. . . . He complained much of Sir T. Tressom and my Cosin Talbot, for not only they woulde not heare him, but thredned him to discouer him ; and saiethe he, unlesse we obtain that from . . . [sign to indicate Mary Stuart] all is but winde." Gifiord to Walsingham, July 11, 1586, in Pollen, 107 seq. Cf. ibid., 138, the confession of Ballard.
3 About July 3 (13), and reached the hands of Ballard about July 16 (26), 1586, Pollen, 112, cliv.
'^ Ibid., 112.
DELUSIONS OF BABINGTON. 21
that " this undertaking is directly lawful in every respect ! " Until these questions were cleared up Gifford was to prevent any steps being taken against the person of the queen. If this were not done Babington once again asserted on oath that he would disclose the whole affair to the queen. ^ Thus, at a moment when everything depended upon prompt action, they were still considering the question of lawfulness or unlawfulness, and they were quite uncertain as to the funda- mental premises of the whole undertaking !
Gifford actually took steps to obtain from Walsingham permission for his journey, but as, for some reason or other, he received no reply, he escaped to France. Later on, he explained in confidence the reasons for this strange behaviour ; the traitor still retained some vestiges of shame, and feared, at the trial of Mary which was bound to follow, to be con- fronted with his victim. 2
In the meantime Babington and his friends received news which filled them with terror. Phelippes, for example, in deciphering the fatal letter of Mary, had drawn a gallows in red ink, and news of this had reached the conspirators through a messenger. ^ Their terror was still further increased with the discovery that Maude, who had accompanied Ballard on his journey through England, was a party to all their secrets, and had taken much trouble to keep the conspirators firm in their designs, was nothing but a spy of Walsingham 's.* The vilest of his supposed friends, Foley, was still called by Babington his " sweet Robert,"^ even when he was already
^ First confession of Babington, ibid., 6i.
2 Ibid., cxvii. seqq. In Faris Giftord elicited from the ambassador Mendoza a letter concerning the approval of the regicide, which however did not arrive {ibid., clxxiii. seqq.). In Faris Gifford was very active as a spy, and got himself ordained priest in 1587, the better to spy upon the Catholics. Soon afterwards he was arrested in a house of ill-fame and thrown into the episcopal })rison, where he died in 1590 {ibid., 1 18-130).
' Ibid., cxlix., clx.
* Ibid., cliii., 46.
^ Ibid., clxx.
22 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
deeply entangled in his snares. When Babington wished for a passport to go abroad, Foley had obtained for him an inter- view with Walsingham, at which the secretary of state had let fall mysterious hints. ^ Overcome with terror, Babington sought the counsel of his " sweet Robert " as to whether it would not be better to inform Walsingham of the whole conspiracy. Foley naturally tranquillized his fears, but Babington now endeavoured to do the secretary of state a service, not, as Foley asserted, by betraying the two recently arrived Jesuits, Garnet and Southwell, but by spying on them.^ Foley succeeded so well in winning the confidence of Babington that the latter informed him of Mary's letter of reply, and discussed the whole conspiracy with him. After three days of such discussion Babington made up his mind that Foley must go to Walsingham and prepare him for the confession which Babington intended to make to the secretary of state on the following da}^ ! Ballard too sent a message to Walsing- ham, offering to make a full confession. But it was too late ; Walsingham would receive neither of them.^
Mary's letter of July 17th (27th) only reached its destination after twelve whole days' delay in Babington's hands ; his reply of August 3rd (13th) contained the unhappy news of the betrayal of his supposed friend by the conspirator Maude, but nothing else of importance. Walsingham then put an end to the game he was playing with the conspirators, and Ballard and Babington and their accomplices were arrested. They made full confession* and on September 30th and
1 Cf. supra, p. 15.
2 Pollen, clxiii. After his arrival in London, Southwell wrote on July 25 : " At the court it is said that they are preparing a matter which, should it be successful, would mean the utmost sorrow to us ; if it does not succeed all will go well " {ibid.). At first Southwell bitterly blamed " the wicked and ill-fated con- spiracy " ; later on, when some part of the infamous behaviour of the government v/as known, he though of it more leniently. Pollen in The Month, CXIX. (1912), 302.
^ Pollen, Mary, clxiii. seqq.
* Confessions of Babington printed in Pollen, 49-97-
EXECUTION OF BABINGTON. 23
October ist suffered the cruel death which the EngUsh laws inflicted for the crime of high treason.^
The news of the discovery of the plot caused tremendous excitement in the country. Even before the arrest of the guilty parties vague rumours had made their way among the people of a bloody day of terror, and a new massacre of St. Bartholomew, threatening England and her queen. The landing of a hostile army was looked upon as imminent, and during the night great bonfires were lit along the coasts. ^ At the execution of Babington, such an " army " of spectators assembled, that it alone would have been enough to resist all the enemies of England.^ Bonfires were lit all over London in rejoicing, the bells rang out unceasingly, and the children sang psalms.*
To the English Catholics the plot and the executions were a terrible blow. The attempt upon the queen had been planned by Catholics, and a Catholic priest, a student of the seminary at Rheims, was its promoter. Such facts lent them- selves in an extraordinary degree to being used against the old religion, and in order to use them to the best advantage, the dangers, in themselves very limited, which might have come from Babington's schemes, were grossly exaggerated. That the greater number of the Catholics knew nothing of the attempt,^ and that the other missionaries could not be judged by the standard of a BaUard,^ did not enter the minds
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 332-337. 2 Ibid., 274 seq. ^ Ibid., 332.
* Ibid., 336.
5 The greater part of them considered the plan for the assassina- tion as an invention of the Protestants. Pollen, Mary, cvi., n.
* Meyer (130) says: "The few priests who thus gravely injured the dignity of their mission were all men who were far removed from the typical character of the Catholic missionary in England. John Ballard . . . lived as a man of the world and did not exercise his priestly functions. Anthony Tyrell . . . was, with his utter instability, a character that was the complete opposite of the missionary trained to inllcxible fortitude . .
24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of most Protestants. For the greater discomfiture of all who professed the Catholic religion, it was just at that time that Antony Tyrell, BaUard's companion on his earlier travels and who was also a student of the seminary at Rheims, fell into the hands of the government, having been arrested on the score of his priesthood. On hearing of the arrest of Ballard this nerve-racked man was quite beside himself, and in order to save himself made any sort of confession that was asked of him. He claimed to have been present when Allen, the General of the Jesuits, and the Pope himself, had urged the assassination of Elizabeth. Later on he retracted all these statements as sheer lies,^ but at the time, and more or less down to our own times, complete belief was placed in them. Elizabeth herself expressed to Tyrell her satisfaction at these confessions. ^
The Queen of England did not know how nebulous and empty the whole conspiracy was, but her irritation had been especially aroused by the fact that nobles of her immediate entourage were among the accomplices of Babington. She would have liked to have inflicted special torments in punish- ing the conspirators, but Burghley pointed out to her that if the law were enforced to the letter, the death for high treason was so horrible that any further outbreak would hardly be possible. Nevertheless, on the second day of the executions, the tortures of the victims were cut short on account of
Gilbert Gifford . . . who got himself ordained priest only the better to betray his Catholic coreligionists . . . did not injure the prestige of the mission, but only that of those who assisted him."
1 See supra, p. lo ; Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 300 seq. ; Butler in The Month, CIII. (1904), 225. Without any proof Frere writes (244) : " Ballard the Jesuit, who had originally obtained the Papal sanction (!) for the deed, etc." Perhaps Gilbert Gifford had attempted to involve the Pope in the con- spiracy ; he induced the Earl of Westmoreland to entrust a certain Yardley, a secret spy, with a mission to Rome. Kervyn de Lettenhove, L, 218.
2 Ibid., I., 303.
MARY TAKEN TO FOTHERINGAY 25
the murmurs of the spectators, a thing which the printed accounts subsequently attributed to the clemency of Elizabeth.^
When such sentiments, both of the people and of the Queen of England, were at their height, the time had at last come for the act of violence which Walsingham had so long been preparing, and in the midst of the excitement of those days the charge against the Queen of Scots was launched. But naturally, it was not easy to prove Mary's guilt. No letter of hers had been found in Babington's house ; in all probability he had burned it soon after he received it. It was therefore necessary to make Babington and Mary's private secretaries, Nau and Curll, authenticate the copy made by Phelippes, but this too was a matter of difficulty. The letter could not be shown to the secretaries with the forged postscript, nor to Babington without it. Nevertheless, Babington's signature was obtained by calling the attention of the heedless young man to the first part of the letter, and after this, its recognition by the two secretaries followed in due course. Nau was led to believe that the original letter had been found among Babington's papers, while Curll was shown the supposed original, which was beyond doubt a forgery, but which the secretary in his fright recognized as being the work of the queen herself.^
Thus Mary's fate was sealed. On October 5th she was taken to her last prison, Fotheringay, a castle near Peterborough. There, on the 21st of the same month, forty-three of the greatest nobles were assembled in order to pronounce sentence on her as Babington's accomplice. The judges took their stand on the law which had been issued on the occasion of the association of 1584, and aimed against Mary ; thus it was impossible to look for an impartial judgment. Mary took up her stand on the ground that, as an independent sovereign, she was not subject to the English laws. At first, therefore, she refused to appear before the lords, but when the crafty
' Ibid., 330 seq. Pollen, Mary, clxxxi. scq. - Ibid., clxxxiii-cxciii.
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Hatton pointed out to her in apparent friendship that her refusal would be taken as an admission of her guilt, whereas, by replying to the accusations she could prove her innocence, she fell into the trap, and while protesting against the legiti- macy of the tribunal, agreed to answer the accusations.^ Naturally, no attention was paid to her protest, and the trial was carried on as though by a properly constituted tribunal.- Mary skilfully pointed out the monstrous nature of the proceed- ings ; she was not allowed to have anyone to defend her ;^ Babington, who, in the case of her guilt, would have been able to prove it, had been destroyed :* Babington's letter and her own reply were not produced, either in the original or in authenticated copies.^ Her secretaries Nau and Curll were not admitted.^ As far as the assassination of the queen was concerned Mary began by setting forth the claim that she had treated of this matter in detail in a letter to Mendoza. " After I had worked for my liberation by good means, and without result, I was forced to adopt the means that were suggested to me, though without either consenting to them or approving them."'^ But in the situation in which she found herself, she said to her secretary Nau, she did not feel herself obliged to make any denunciation.® Nevertheless she denied, to the moment when she found herself at the block, that she had ever sought or approved the death of Elizabeth. The
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, II., 22-29. 2 Ibid., 33 seqq. ^ Ibid., 42.
* Opitz, II., 341.
5 Kervyn de Lettenhove, II., 42.
" Ibid., 49.
' Labanoff, VI., 458 seq.
* " N'estimant es termes ou elle se voyait estre obligee de la reveller." Labanoff, VII. , 208 ; cf. Pollen, cxcvii. ^^'ith regard to Mary's words concerning her relations with Babington see Opitz, IL, 341 seq. It would seem that at first she denied all relations with him, which, however, in the mouth of an accused person, only meant that she left it to her accusers to prove it against her.
EXECUTION OF MARY. 27
sentence, which was pronounced at Westminster, and approved by Parhament, declared the captive queen to be convicted and guilty.^ On February i8th, 1587, the heads- man's axe put an end to her Hfe at Fotheringay . ^
The grandeur of Mary's character was never shown in a brighter hght than in the last days of her life, and it has been as she showed herself then that the picture of her has been handed down to posterity, and lives on in the remembrance of men. Her calm serenity, and the courage and the fear- lessness with which she met her death, show her to us as though transfigured by sorrow and martyrdom, and comforted and sustained by a true religious consecration. For a long time past she had been convinced that the real reason why her death was sought was none other than her loyalty to the Catholic religion, and that her enemies wished to destroy her because, as the Catholic heir to the throne, she was a menace to English Protestantism. ^ For this reason she looked upon her violent death as a kind of martyrdom. To Burghley and Bromley, when they summoned her before the tribunal of the nobles at Fotheringay, she declared that she cared nothing for her life, and that she was only defending herself on account of her own honour, and the honour of her friends and the Church. She was a Catholic, and she was ready to shed her blood to the last drop for the faith, and she would count herself
1 Kervyn de Lettenuove, II., 56 seqq.
2 Ibid., 328 seqq. Maxwell Scott, the Tragedy of Fotheringay founded on the Journal of Dr. Bourgoing and on unpublished MS. Documents, London, 1895. Among the letters of farewell which Mary wrote as early as November, 1586, when she thought her execution was at hand, there is a letter to Sixtus V. of Novem- ber 23, 1586. Labanoff, VI., 447 seq. ; cf. F. Palacky, Literarische Reise nach Italien im Jahre 1837, Prague, 1838, 9,
3 vSee further infra, pp. 28 seq. The address of Parliament, which demanded the death of Mary, further maintained that ]\Iary wished to remove Elizabeth from the world, not only to deprive the country of the true religion, but also to set up there the tyranny of Rome. Kervyn de Lettenhove, II., 64 ; cf. ibid., 66, the speech of I^ickering before Elizabeth.
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
happy if God should give her the grace of dying for His cause. ^ This statement she repeated on the eve of her execution, when she was told of her approaching death ; her end, she said, was very welcome to her, and she would not be deserving of eternal happiness if her body could not suffer the stroke of the headsman's axe.^ When the Earl of Kent retorted that her life would be the death of the Protestant religion, and her death its life, her face was transfigured with joy : "I did not deem myself worthy of such a death " she exclaimed, " because to die for the faith means to be numbered among the elect. "^ In her letter of farewell to the Jesuit, Samerie, who had for a time, in the disguise of a physician, and under the name of La Rue, ministered to her, she said that she remembered that she had promised him to die for the faith, and that she had kept her promise.*
Filled with thoughts such as these, the queen for a long time past had had read to her daily the lives of the saints and martyrs ;^ the example, she said, of those who had borne testimony to the faith with their blood, would be a support and instruction to her.^ She gladly devoted herself to the remembrance of the Passion of Christ ; above her hearth there were embroidered scenes from the story of the Passion of the Redeemer worked by her own hand.' On the eve of her execution she washed the feet of her ladies, for Christ too had entered upon His Way of the Cross by washing the feet of the Apostles.^ After midnight the courageous lady had the story of the Passion read to her from the Gospels : at the words of Jesus to the good thief : " This day thou shalt be with me
' Ibid., II., 27.
2 Ibid., 331-332.
^ Ibid., 332 seq. ; cf. 337.
^ Opitz, II., 369. For Samerie cf. Pollen in The Month,
I XVII. (1911), 11-24, 136-149-
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, II., 76, 346.
^'Ibid., 81.
' Ibid., I., 122 ; II., 343.
8 Ibid., II., 345.
EXECUTION OF MARY. 29
in Paradise " she signed to them to stop.^ In her prayer at the block she said that she wished to breathe out her soul at the feet of the Crucified.^
Her conviction that she was dying for the faith was thus the explanation of the calm serenity with which, as Burghley himself bears witness, she received her death sentence.^ While her attendants were bathed in tears, her own eyes were dry ; even at the block she prayed without any sign of fear, and in so loud a voice as to drown that of the importunate Dean of Peterborough.* There were none among those who were present at her execution who were not filled with wonder at her bearing.^ Philip II. was for a time uncertain whether he should order a requiem for her, since, in his opinion, she had died as a martyr, and thus no longer had need of any prayers.^ In Paris the populace were so incensed against Ehzabeth, that the English ambassador could not leave his house without risk to his life, or the probability of being publicly insulted.'' Sixtus V. received the news of Mary's execution at the end of March ; his great sorrow was only tempered by the hope that Henry III. would be led by this catastrophe to take serious steps against England.^ He thought of honouring her by a solemn requiem, but changed his mind, remarking that such manifestations were not customary for women in Rome. He therefore contented himself with giving alms for prayers for her soul, and having masses said for her at privileged altars.^
1 Ibid., 346.
2 Ibid., 372.
3 Ibid., 333. * Ibid., 373.
^ Ibid., 375. Cf. Kleinpaul, Die Fuggerzeitungen der Wiener Hofbibliotek, 1568-1605, Leipzig, 1921, loi.
^Letter of Lippomano to Venice, April 21, 1587, in Brown, n. 504.
' Dolfin to Venice, March 13, 1587, ibid., 483.
^ Gritti to Venice, March 28, 1587, ibid., n. 491; Santori, Autobiografia, XIII., 180. Cf. Revue des quest, hist., XXVII., 196.
9 *Avviso of April 4, 1587, Urb. 1055, p. 114b, Vatican Library.
30 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Just as the events of those days brought out in the most striking manner Mary's spiritual character, so was it in the case of her rival. The outstanding characteristics of Elizabeth's policy were her indifference with regard to questions of morality and conscience, and the duplicity with which she sought to cover up even acts of violence and the most barefaced deceit with a cloak of justice and truth, leading men to believe that she was only reluctantly led into doing the things that she desired with all her heart. In a queen who was so richly endowed with intellectual gifts we look in vain for any definite sign of generosity or compassion towards her unfortunate cousin. It may be that perhaps such feelings may have existed in her from time to time, but, in the case in question, there is no reason to think that it existed. One cannot get away from the impression that we are here confronted with nothing but ill-concealed cruelty.
In Westminster Abbey James I. has placed side by side the tombs of the two queens who in life were so much brought into contact with each other, but who never met. But in so doing Elizabeth's successor and admirer has done but a sorry service to his own memory. " Not an hour in the day " says Washington Irving, ^ " but some ejaculation of pity is uttered
1 " Not an hour in the day but some ejaculation of pity is uttered over the fate of the latter, mingled with indignation at her oppressor. The walls of Ehzabeth's sepulchre continually echo with the sighs of sympathy heaved at the grave of her rival " (The Sketch Book of Geoffrey Crayon (Irving), I., Paris, 1823, 361). Very soon the story of Mary Stuart was made the subject of poetry. As early as 1593 there appeared a Stuarta tragoedia sive caedes Mariae Scotiae reginae in Anglia perpetrata, by the professor of poetry at Douai, Adrian Rouler {Zeitschr. des Vereins /. Volkskunde, XXII. (1912), 42 ; cf. Foppens, Bibliotheca Belgica, I., Brussels, 1739, 19). For a drama by the Jesuits at Ingolstadt in 1594, see Aretin, Maximilian, I., ^84, The tragedy by VoNDEL, Maria Stuart (1646) aroused a storm of indignation among the Protestants of the Netherlands, and earned for its author a fine of 180 florins (A. Baumgartner, Joost van den Vondel, Freiburg, 1882, 157 seqq.). The history of the Popes must specially mention that the future Urban VIII. composed
ATTITUDE OF THE POWERS. 3I
over the fate of the latter, mingled with indignation at her oppressor. The walls of Elizabeth's sepulchre continually echo with the sighs of sympathy heaved at the grave of her rival."
Among the princes of Europe no serious step was taken to save Mary from her ignominious death/ while not a hand was lifted to avenge her destruction. Mary was abandoned by her cousin in France, by the Catholic King, and by her own son in Scotland, who, in the midst of his mother's grave peril, did nothing more than have prayers publicly made in church for her conversion and the amendment of her life.^
In spite of all this, attempts had not been wanting during Mary Stuart's last years to incite the kings of France and Spain to make a landing in England. Villeroy, one of Henry III.'s councillors, drew up a scheme for this purpose ; by so doing he wished, on the one hand, to keep the Guise occupied, and render them harmless to the king, and on the other to withdraw from the Huguenots the support which they were receiving from the Queen of England.^ The Duke of Guise easily allowed himself to be fired with enthusiasm for this new crusade, and Henry III. himself was not at first averse
some verses on Mary Stuart (Maphei S.R.E. Card, nunc Urbani Papae VIII., Poemata, Dillingen, 1640, 207). A sonnet on her death by Giulio Cortese, of the years 1588, in The Athenaeum, T908, n. 4205. C/. K. KiPKA, Maria Stuart im Drama der Weltliteratur vornehmlich des 17 n. 18 Jahrh., Leipzig, 1907. With regard to the tragedy L'Ecossaise by Montchretien (1610) see Petit de Julleville, Hist, de la langue et de la litterat. fran^aise, IV., Paris, 1897, 188.
1 For the steps taken by the French ambassador Chateauneuf, and the ignominious part played b}^ Henry III,, as well as by James VI. see Kervyn de Lettenhove, II., 145 seqq., 171 seqq., 208 seqq., 222 seqq. ; Brown, xvi. seqq.
2 He ordered " to pray publiclie for his Hienes' mother, for hir conversion and amendiment of life, and if it be godis plesour to preserve hir from his present danger quhairin sche is now, that sche may heirefter be ane profitabill member in Christis Kirk (Fleming, 424).
3 Kervyn de Lettenhove, L, 89-108.
32 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to the undertaking. Sixtus V. entered into communica- tion with Guise concerning the plan, encouraged it, and promised his help.^ But the everlasting hesitation of Philip II. brought this scheme as well to nothing. Villeroy, through Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador in Paris, had asked Philip for the help which Guise deemed to be absolutely necessary. For a long time Philip did not reply at all, and when he did so it was only in general terms. ^ In the mean- time English spies had come to a knowledge of the whole affair, and the Catholic Earls of Arundel and Northumberland, on whose help Philip was counting, were thrown by Elizabeth into the Tower, where Northumberland was put to death ; the work of fortifying the English coasts was undertaken with feverish haste. ^ As early as August 25th, 1585, Guise wrote that the whole affair would end in nothing, and on October ist he spoke of it as having been abandoned.* Eight days later Henry III. definitely withdrew his support from Guise and offered to restore Cambrai, which he had conquered, to the King of Spain if he would abandon Guise. Philip seemed to be seriously inclined to enter into the undignified bargain.^ Nothing further was then done for Mary Stuart ; Olivares declared to the Pope that it was absurd to think of attacking heresy in England before it was crushed in France. ^ Faced by the energy of Elizabeth, and knowing that he must be dependent upon the indecision of Philip, Sixtus V. bitterly gave utterance to the celebrated remark, that the distaff of the Queen of England was worth more than the sword of the King of Spain.' Sixtus V. had written to the Duke of Guise that he would do all in his power to further the expedition
1 Ibid., 93.
2 Letter of July 9 (sent July 23) and of August 17, 1585, ihid.,
97-99-
^ Ibid., 100 seq. .
* Ibid., 96, roy.
^ Ibid., 102, 105.
« Ibid., 107.
' " Que valia mas la rueca de la reyna de Inglaterra que la spada del rey de Espafia." Ibid., 108.
THE NEW JEZABEL 33
against England, while in other ways as well he showed great zeal for Mary's liberation ; although he was by nature so parsimonious he told the ambassador of Spain that he would willingly spend a million gold florins for that purpose.^
What a weight in the balance, for the solution of European problems, could be exercised by that northern kingdom, small though it was in area, was no secret to a man so keen-sighted and far-seeing as Sixtus V. Just as, to express the political importance of England, he said that at at that time the British Isles, situated though they were at the ends of the earth, had in a moment become the centre of the world, that Spain and France were on either side of the scale, but that England was the fulcrum, 2 so did the Pope above all take into account the religious influence of Elizabeth. He saw in the Queen of England the principal stronghold of heresy,^ and would like to have united the Catholic princes in an alliance against the " new Jezabel,"* who was everywhere supporting Protestant- ism, and was now trying to stir up the Turks against Catholic Spain. 5
His aversion for the " new Jezabel " by no means blinded the Pope to her great qualities. Himself a statesman of ability, he was well able to appreciate her great gifts as a sovereign, and the strange spectacle of a woman who could stand up on sea and land against the two most powerful sovereigns of Christendom, filled him with admiration. If she were a Catholic, he said, she would have been his chosen friend, and in alliance with her he would have undertaken to have brought all things to a satisfactory issue. ^
^ Ibid., 93 seq. 2 Ibid., 27. ' Ibid., 93.
* Hammer, IV., 159 ; Bremond, 277. Cf. Brosch in Zeitschr. f. allg. Gesch., I. (1884), 776-790.
' Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 93.
• Bremond, 278. " Questa e una gran Donna, e se fussc cattolica saria una cosa senza esempio, e noi la stimaressimo molto. Essa non manca in alcnna cosa al governo del suo regno,
VOL. XXII. ^
34 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
His ardent desire to possess such an ally in defence of the Catholic cause led this man, who was wont to be so far-seeing, to a strange misconception of the true state of affairs. Whereas he despaired of the conversion of Henry of Navarre,^ he cherished for a long time the hope of being able to win back Elizabeth to the Catholic faith. The Due de Piney, who in September, 1586, had made the ohedientia in the name of Henry HI., went back with instructions to the King of France to work upon Elizabeth in this sense by means of his ambas- sadors ; he was to bring home to her that by her heresy she was stirring up endless plots against herself, whereas, by returning to the Church, she would win the esteem and affection of everyone. ^ Perhaps, said Sixtus V. when Pisany shrugged his shoulders, EHzabeth would let herself be per- suaded more easily than was thought. Men had often presented themselves before him with some plan for killing the heretic queen for a small sum of money, but he had always rejected so disgraceful a method of fighting. By his command, he went on to say, a Jesuit had gone to London to examine into the possibility of the conversion of the queen. The Jesuit and his purpose had been betrayed, and he himself banished, but the chancellor, who was a heretic to the marrow, gave him 200 scudi for his return journey, and gave him to
etc." (Giovanni Gritti to the Senate of Venice, Rome, March 12, 1588, in Brown, n. 640). " Certo che questa e una gran Regina ; vorressimo solamente che essa fusse cattolica, perche saria la nostra diletissima ; vedete come si governa bene ; e donna et non e padrona se non di meza Isola et si fa temer da Spagna, da Franza et dall' Imperator et da tutti ; et ha arrichito il suo regno delle prede tolte a Spagnoli, oltre il tenerli I'Qlanda et /elanda," (Gritti, March 19, 1588, ibid., n. 642).
1 Bremond, 212.
2 Ibid., 277 [cf. 204) ; HiJBNER, I., 369. Under Gregory XIII. the Spanish nuncio Ormaneto had laboured to win over Philip II. to an attempt to convert Elizabeth ; he looked upon this " non solo per difficile, ma quasi per impossibile per la mala qualita di questa Donna, e di quel principalissirno ministro che ha seco, sed apud omnia possibilia." (Carini, SB>).
MOTIVES OF ELIZABETH. 35
understand that the conversion of the queen was not so difficult as was thought.^
Such confidences only go to show that Sixtus V. was in many respects taken in by Elizabeth's ministers. The plans for her death may also be presumed, at any rate to a great extent, to have had their origin with the same English govern- ment, which wanted to tempt the Pope.^ What the chancellor said concerning Elizabeth's inclination to conversion, only shows once more what is already well known from other sources, that the queen, from political motives, wished to keep alive among the Catholics the idea that at the bottom of her heart she was still well-disposed towards the old religion. ^
^ Pisany on November 15, 1586, in Bremond, 277 seq. By the Jesuit perhaps Crichton is meant. Fouqueray, II., 108 seq.
2 Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, pp. 447 seq.
3 When the marriage with Alen9on was being disscused Elizabeth expressed herself in this sense to the French ambassador, de Lansac, so that the latter, on his return, was " full of praises " of the queen, in the sense that as far as religion was concerned matters were not so hopeless as was generally supposed : she spoke of the Pope with the highest esteem ; if he could only read her heart, she said, he would not think so badly of her : her one desire was the religious unity of Christians : if the Emperor and the other princes desired a general and free council she would take part in it. If sons should be born of her marriage, then the kingdom would return to the Catholic faith on the following day. This might easily be brought about in another way, for the queen was very favourably disposed tov.ards the faith : she only concealed this so as not to arouse discord in the kingdom. These expressions made so great an impression upon Lansac, that he said to Priuli, the Venetian ambassador in Paris : In her inner heart the queen is no more devoted to heresy than I am, who would die a thousand times for the Catholic faith (Priuli, July 14, 1581, in Brown, n. 32). Similar statements are to be found in the very earliest years of Elizabeth. Thus * Bernardo Pia wrote from Rome on February 15, 1567, of " stupende nove " from England : that the queen had allowed the mass : if her marriage to the Archduke Charles took place, more might be hoped for every day (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Later on Clement VIII. once more hoped for the conversion of Elizabeth : she had listened
36 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Sixtus V. never allowed himself to be discouraged by the fact that the queen made no sort of response to his plans for her conversion.^ Even in the last year of his life he still enter- tained the hope of seeing the Queen of England- and her kingdom^ return to the faith. Elizabeth, he told the Venetian ambassador, had sent an agent, who was already in Rome.* Nothing further is known of this, but on the other hand it would seem that a secret agent of Sixtus V. actually penetrated to the English court. When the news of the sailing of the Armada reached Rome, the Pope said to the Venetian ambassador that he had done all that he could to induce the queen to return to the Catholic faith ; in spite of the bull of deposition of Pius V. he had proposed to her a fresh investiture with her kingdom, and the appointment of bishops of her choosing. Elizabeth scornfully replied that the Pope would do better to give her some of his money. ^
Even though to the last the Pope looked upon as possible the peaceable recovery of England by way of conversion, at the same time he never neglected to press France and Spain
wilUngly to the admonitions of a Catholic hermit, while on the other hand it was only with difficulty that she forced herself to listen to the discourses of her own preachers (Mocenigo on June 26, 1598, in Brown, Calendar IX. (1592-1603), n. 703). Again at the death of Elizabeth the Venetian ambassador Scaramelli wrote that some Catholics at the court were of opinion that in her secret heart Elizabeth had not been far removed from a reconciliation with the true Catholic faith (Scaramelli, April 7, 1603, ibid., n. 1169).
1 HiJBNER, I., 371.
2 Badoer on February 24 and May 5, 1590, in Brow^n, n. 15-928. On March 26, 1590, Sixtus V. spoke in consistory " de reductione Reginae Angliae et Ducis Saxoniae." *Consistorial acta of Cardinal Santori, in Cod. Barb., XXXVI., 5, III., p. 63, Vatican Library.
3 Badoer on June 23, 1590, in Brown, n. 942.
* Badoer on April 14 and 21, and May 5, 1590, ibid., n. 923, 924, 928 ; '^Brumani on April 14, 1590, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
5 Gritti on July 2, 1588, in Brown, n. 679.
PLANS AGAINST ENGLAND. 37
by means of his nuncios, to intervene by armed force. ^ In France, Henry III. was, it is true, allied with Elizabeth, but from the Duke of Guise such an idea was sure to meet with full consent. On July 17th, 1586, Guise wrote to Mendoza that he had decided upon the undertaking against England, and that he counted upon the help of Philip II. for this. At the end of September he declared to the king that either with his help or without it he was going to risk an attempt to land in England. At the end of 1585 a secret treaty for the same purpose was entered into with the nobility of Scotland, and renewed in May, 1586. Rumours concerning these plans became so alarming that in August the English merchants were think- ing of leaving France, and the English ports were fortified. But by the end of 1586 the disturbances in France had rendered any such undertaking out of the question. ^ Guise nevertheless still retained his enthusiasm for the new crusade. He wrote to Alessandro Farnese that he would think himself fortunate to be able to take part in so beautiful and holy an expedition as a simple soldier, dagger in hand, under the command of Farnese. ^
The constant pinpricks with which Elizabeth harassed the King of Spain seemed little by little to exhaust his patience, and the grand plans which he had been so long maturing were now actually nearing their realization. At the end of 1584 Philip placed the direction of the English question in the hands of Farnese,'* who was full of enthusiasm for a scheme of invasion. England, said Farnese, is the head, and Holland and Zeeland are the neck and the arms, and it would be possible to solve the English and Flemish problems at a single blow, if first of all the head were struck at.^ Filippo Sega put forward the same view in a memorial which he presented to Sixtus V. in 1586.^ On April 20th, 1586, Farnese submitted
1 Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 339 seq.
2 Ihid., 34T-343. 2 Ibid., 344 seq. * Lfchat, 143.
^ Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 346. •See Brom, Archivalia, I., 596 seq.
38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his plan of attack to the king/ upon which PhiHp sent Mendoza the orders for the attack, which he was to send on to Farnese,^ but even now the actual execution was prevented. Mary Stuart's evil genius, Gilbert Gifford, presented himself before Mendoza and told him of the support which a Spanish army of invasion would meet with from the English Catholics, and of the conspiracy of Babington.^ Mendoza then thought it advisable, with the consent of Philip II. ^ first to wait for the issue of the plot, and when soon afterwards Babington's schemes were discovered, there was no further idea of sending on the letter to Farnese.^ After this Mary Stuart was com- pletely deserted. On April loth Paget had already written to her that her hope lay with the King of Scots. ^ Now even this hope proved vain ; James VI., who was not yet twenty, was writing sonnets on Elizabeth, and was seriously thinking of marrying that queen, who was thirty-two years older than himself."^ On July 5th, 1586, he bound himself in close alliance with Elizabeth,^ and after the end of 1585 Mary's gaolers took savage pleasure in taunting the mother with the betrayal by her son.''
Mary had learned from Allen at Rheims at the begin- ning of 1585, that the landing in England was about to take place, and on January 3rd of the same year Allen expressed his joy at this in a letter to Farnese.^^ In the following November Allen went to Rome, principally it would seem to ask for help for the needs of the seminary at Rheims, to which the new Pope had not continued to pay the
|
1 Lechat, 147, |
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2 Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., |
347 |
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3 Ibid. |
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* Ibid., 350 seq. |
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|
'^ Ibid. |
|
|
""Ibid., 352. |
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■^ Ibid., 354. |
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^Ibid., 358. |
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^ Ibid., 354 seq. |
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° Lechat, 143. |
MEMORIAL OF ALLEN. 39
subsidy granted by Gregory XIIL ;^ but that Allen also had other purposes in view in making the journey is shown by a memorial on a landing in England which he sent to the Pope. 2 Allen tries to show that the undertaking would be easy, because the English, for the most part, were Catholic in sentiment, at least in their hearts ; the invasion, however, should be made in the name of the Pope, because there were many in England who would have nothing to do with the Spaniards ; the bull of excommunication of Elizabeth should be renewed, in order that the foreign princes might break off their relations with her, and their commercial treaties with England. About 10,000 to 16,000 men would be sufficient to subdue the island, but they should act with all speed, so that the Catholic nobles might not gradually lose courage, and Mary should not be killed or die. Elizabeth's own life might suddenly come to an end, and then a heretic would ascend the throne, and things would be in a desperate position.
1 Bonhomini to Rusticucci, Aix, September 12, 1585, in Ehses- Meister, Kolner Nuntiatur, I., 141. " Pope Gregory granted him large subsidies, but these ceased on the change of the Pontiffs." Allen got Gritti to give him recommendations for Venetian territory, and collected there by means of his agents several hundred ducats for his seminary. Gritti on August 7, 1587, in Brown, n. 565.
2 De praesenti rerum statu in Anglia brevis annotatio, in Theiner, Annal. 1583, n. 90, pp. 480-483. The date of this, which is wrongly given by Theiner, is clear from p. 481 : the Earl of Northumberland (died June 21, 1585) " haeretici hoc ipso anno in carcere crudelissime trucidarunt " ; there was also the rising of 1569, 16 years before the time of the writer {ibid., 481, n. 2) ; " Status ecclesiae temporalis . . . per felicissima novi Pontificis auspicia subito tranquillitati et securitati sit restitutus " {ibid., 483) ; Flanders is once again almost entirely subject to the King of Spain {ibid.). The author of the document finds himself " hie in Urbe " {ibid., 482, n. 7) ; he has " iampridem " (perhaps for the projected invasion of 1583 ?) a broadsheet in English " de modo procedendi et movendicatholicos, quando ventum erit ad executionem rei " (the landing). By this broadsheet perhaps is meant the work described by Meyer (280).
40 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
When Allen wrote in this strain he had in mind the state of affairs prevailing in England at the time of his exile ; he did not realize that in the meantime many things had changed in his country. His view, however, that the land forces of England could not cope with the true Spanish army, still held good. But before it would be possible to attack and destroy those land forces, it would be necessary to defeat the English fleet, and until that was done it was useless to think of an invasion of England. But during the long period that had gone by since Allen had visited his country, the English fleet had been entirely transformed, and hence- forward England could be considered as a single almost impregnable fortress.
The foundations of the development of the English naval power had already been laid by the first two Tudor kings. Queen Mary, after her marriage with Philip II., devoted her- self to the repairing of the old ships and the building of new ones. During the first decade of her reign Elizabeth had allowed the fleet once more to decline, ^ although during the same period there had sprung up in England an interest in great commercial undertakings ; the wish, following the example of the Portuguese and the Spaniards, to bring back fabulous wealth from the Indies, had made its way among all classes of the people, including the queen herself, and thus the spirit of enterprise of individuals had made up for the neglect of the first years of Elizabeth's reign. Commercial companies were founded, and voyages ol exploration undertaken. An attempt was made to find a way by land across Russia to India, and to cross the polar seas to the north of Asia and
1 Julian Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy. With a. History of the rise of England's Naval Power, London, 1898 [cf Hist. pol. Blatter, LXXIV. (1899), 74 seqq.) ; Cesareo Fernandez DuRO, La Armada invencibile, 2 vols., Madrid, 1884, 1885 ; State Papers relating to the defeat of the Spanish Armada. Ano 1588, ed. by John Knox Laughton {Navy Records Society), London, 1894 ; Froude, Spanish Story of the Armada, London, 1892 ; William Frederick Tilton, Die Katastrophe der spanischen Armada, July 31 to August 8, 1588 {Diss.) Freiburg i., Br., 1894.
THE ENGLISH PIRATES. 4I
America.^ These attempts did not succeed, but the EngUsh were able to gain advantage for themselves even without obtaining possession of a colony of their own ; they captured the valuable commerce between the colonial powers of the south and the other nations ; they pillaged like pirates the badly defended Spanish-Portuguese possessions in the West Indies ; they lay in wait for the ships returning thence, and looked upon their rich cargoes as lawful booty. The first English sea heroes, Hawkins, Frobisher and Drake, were nothing but pirates, pirates in every sense of the word, but men of an audacity that has something grand about it. When after his predatory expedition to Peru, Drake found his return by the Straits of Magellan barred, he sailed across the Pacific to England, 2 and thus, without intending it, com- pleted the voyage round the world, just as was done a little later by Thomas Cavendish ;^ of his five ships he brought only one back, but that one carried a booty of 800,000 pounds sterling. In other respects these founders of the English maritime power were destroyers and men of violence, quite devoid of conscience. Hawkins, with the connivance of the Queen of England, enriched himself by slave-trading, * while on one occasion Drake set fire to a convent of nuns, and would allow none to leave the building until it was completely burned down ;5 generally speaking churches and convents met with no mercy at his hands. ^
The experience gained by these pirates on their voyages and adventures was of great value during the seventh decade of the century to the English fleet. ^ The warship of the past
1 LiNGARD, VIII., 258.
2 Ibid., 260 ; Brosch, VI., 600.
3 LiNGARD, VIII., 262.
'^ Ibid., 259.
'" " Haveva tra le altre cose messo fuoco in un monasterio di monache, abbrugiandole dentro di esse, senza permetter che alcuna uscisse viva di la." Letters of Gradenigo and Lippomario to Venice, June 25, 1586, in Brown, n. 371.
« Brown, n. 321, 354, 358 seqq.
'Meyer, 216 seq.
42 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had been the galley, which was for the most part driven by oars ; in naval battles an attempt was made to get close to the enemy ships and board them, whereupon the crews of the two ships fought with sword and lance and gun, and there thus ensued a battle as though on land. The cannon that were mounted on an elevated poop at either end of the ship, only took part in the battle in a secondary degree. The Battle of Lepanto was fought and won by the Christian powers after this fashion, since galleys driven by oars were sufficient for the comparatively calm Mediterranean Sea, and the Turks too possessed no other kind of ships. ^
Matters were different on the more stormy seas, and the English soon realized that oar power was not suited to cope with winds and high seas. They therefore set themselves to the building of ships with sails. The sides of the ships, which had previously been given up to the oars, were thus left free, and could be used for the mounting of cannon. The custom of waging naval warfare by means of ramming and boarding, and of carrying on hand to hand fighting with the opposing force, was abandoned, and the object became to put the enemy ship out of action from a distance by means of the artillery. 2
The advance which was brought about by this change was perhaps hardly less great than that other, made much later, when the sailing ship gave place to that driven by steam. ^ In England men became convinced of their superiority to the maritime power of Spain. The naval power of the King of Spain is of no importance, it was stated in 1579 at a meeting
^ In the open sea the Mediterranean type of galley could not be brought into general use ; " the ships at the battle off Sandwich in 12 1 7, or near Sluys in 1340 were for the most part sailing ships, in which however oars were also used." J. K. Laughton in the Eng. Hist. Review, XIII. (1898), 581.
2 Meyer, 216.
3 Ibid. Laughton [loc. cit., 582) thinks : " It is no exaggera- tion to say that the change from the ships of 1500 to those employed against the Armada was greater than that from the latter ships to the ships of war at Trafalgar."
THE ENGLISH NAVAL POWER. 43
of ministers at Greenwich, he has nothing but galleys, which are of no use in the northern seas ;^ in instructions sent to the envoy with William of Orange it is stated that England is strong enough to defend itself unaided against the King of Spain, or any other prince, ^
Many people abroad, however, judged very differently. Neither Philip IL nor his advisers had any thoughts of the superiority of the English naval power. In 1580 Mendoza wrote, when ambassador in London, that the English fleet could not withstand a fourth part of the Spanish maritime forces.^ The English exiles who were so often in such circum- stances called into consultation in Rome and Madrid, expressed the same opinion.* Very often, however, men held the most exaggerated views of the power of Spain. ^ At anyrate for some time the views of Sixtus V. were not free from this error, and he too sometimes, when conversing with the Venetian ambassador, said scornfully that after all England was only a small island which had often before been conquered by the Britons and Saxons.^
False ideas of this sort were soon disproved by the facts. Conscious of her own power, England resolved in 1585 not to wait for the Spanish attack which was slowly being prepared, but to attack on her own account. Leicester was sent quite openly with an army to assist the insurgents in Holland, and in June of the same year Drake received orders to make ready a fleet against Spain. At the same time the English statesmen made use of the relations which they had entered into with Turkey in 1579^ ^^ urge the sworn enemy of Christen-
^ Meyer, 217. ^ Ibid., 218. ^ Ibid., 249.
* Ibid., 239. ^ Ibid., 240.
* Gritti on January 10, 1587, in Brown, n. 451.
" Cf. Brown, xxix-xlvi. ; Pears in the Eng. Hist. Review, VI 11. (1893), 439-4^^7; Brosch in Zeitschr. f. allg. Gesch., I. (1884), 776-790.
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dom to attack Spain/ and Drake sent silver cups to the Turkish Kapudan as a present. ^ In order to be able to keep a strong fleet against Spain in the Red Sea the Turks at that time were thinking of restoring the canal " which the Kings of Egypt had made from Damietta to Suez," and even of constructing one from the Nile to the Red Sea.^
But the Turks had their hands tied by their war with Persia, while the incapable Leicester met with no success in Holland. Drake on the other hand inflicted serious losses on the Spaniards at sea.* He first harassed the coasts of Galicia, and captured twenty-six ships in Portuguese waters, contain- ing 300,000 ducats,^ He captured the flagship of the Peruvian fleet with 400,000 crowns,^ and pillaged the Cape Verde Islands."^ He then crossed the Atlantic to the West Indies ; S. Juan in Porto Rico, S. Domingo in Haiti^, Porto Caballos in Honduras, Cartagena and Florida^ yielded him rich booty. He met with no resistance anywhere at sea, and became " master of the seas."^^ If on the other hand he landed, and the inhabitants plucked up courage to defend themselves, he fared worse ; thus at Teneriffe, where " the troops, with the monks and priests, who encouraged them to resist, and to face death for the faith of Christ," hampered the landing, sent one of the ships and its crew to the bottom, and damaged the flagship and another so badly that they had to be taken in
^ Brown, xxxix. seq.
2 Lorenzo Bernardo, Venetian ambassador in Constantinople, April 2, 1586, in Brown, n. 332.
^ Bernardo, July 23, 1586, ibid., n. 385.
^ Julian S. Corbett, Papers relating to the Navy during the Spanish War, 1585-1587, London, 1898.
•' Gradenigo, October 25, 1585, in P)rown, n. 290.
•^ Gradenigo, December 21, 1585, ihid., n. 300.
'Report concerning this, ihid., n. 321.
8 Letter of the governor of Havana, February 6, 15S6, ibid.,
n. 334-
^ Report concerning this, ibid., n. 416.
^^ " Draco e patrone del mare, ne ha impedimento alcuno onde puo disegnarc et esseguire tutto il desiderio suo." Gradenigo, January 10, 1586, ibid., n. 304.
RAIDS BY DRAKE. 45
tow by the others.^ But for the most part no resistance was attempted. When Drake and 800 EngHsh approached the city of S. Domingo in Haiti, the inhabitants fled to the mount- ains, " fathers left their sons in danger, and daughters their mothers, monks and nuns fled in panic, and the EngHsh took possession of the whole of the island without shedding a drop of blood " ; a million and a half of gold was the value of the booty. 2 Drake had thoughts of establishing himself in Haiti, and constructing fortresses, but in an attack on Havana he was driven off with the loss of three ships ; when the governor of Haiti turned upon him at the head of 4000 men, the negroes, on whom the English were counting, refused to apostatize from the Catholic faith, and sickness reduced the ranks of the pirates, so that Drake found himself obliged to withdraw. ^ Of the 1300 men with whom he had set out, only 400 returned home.* In the following year, however, the daring pirate again set out against Spain, burned in Cadiz harbour more than twenty Spanish ships, ^ and by a daring coup-de-main captured the harbour of Sagrez at Cape St. Vincent.^ As had been the case in the West Indies and on the coasts of Spain, so too did the Spaniards suffer serious losses in the Mediterranean. In the summer of 1586 Philip II's Sicilian fleet of thirteen ships was utterly defeated near Pantelleria by five merchant vessels in a battle that lasted for five hours. The battered Spanish ships had to take to flight, while the English only had two men killed and one wounded."^
The Spanish national pride was now deeply wounded.
^ End of November, 1585 ; report of January 11, 1586, ibid., n. 308.
2 Letter of the governor of Havana, February 6, 1586, ihid., ^- 334- Cf. the report of February 24, ibid., n. 358.
3 Gradenigo, May 14, 1586, ibid., n. 351 ; cf. n. 358
* Giov. Dolfin, Venetian ambassador in Paris, September 12, 1386, ibid., n, 407.
^ Report as to this, ibid., n. 513.
« Report of May 21, 1587, ibid., n. 522.
' Meyer, 263 seq.
46 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
If, as the Venetian ambassador at Madrid thought^ the French reflected too httle and therefore did not always attain their purpose, the Spaniards certainly reflected too much and thus let the favourable opportunity slip, so that even the Spaniards themselves said that their king was reflecting and negotiating while Elizabeth was acting and seizing her opportunity. Through all Spain there ran the cry that they were going to take the matter seriously and make every sacrifice, for Elizabeth and Drake were dragging the greatness of the king and the glory of Spanish courage in the dust.^ The city of Seville offered to equip twenty-four ships at its own expense and to maintain them for a year.^ In spite of its poverty, the province of Valencia promised 200,000 crowns.*
Preparations for a great military expedition had been commenced a long time before ; levies were to be raised in Spain and Italy, and forty ships were to be kept in readiness, and it was commonly believed that this was intended for the generally expected attack upon England. More cautious observers, however, were of opinion that such an undertaking was out of the question until Flanders had been subjugated, and the customary financial subsidies granted by the Pope,^ and that such help would have been on a grand scale. Spain's greatest-sea hero, the brave admiral Santa Cruz, was of opinion^
1 Lippomano, December 3, 1586, in Brown, n. 439.
2 " Spagnuoli dicono che il Re pensa et negotia, et la Regina dTnghilterra opera et fa da vero." Lippomano, May 21, 1587, ibid., n. 518.
3 " Par die tutta la Spagna si lasci intendere di voler far davero et dar ogni aiuto, dicendo che questa Regina dTnghilterra et Draco vanno oscurando la grandezza di questo Serenissirao Re, et il valor della nation Spagnuola." Lippomano, May 16, 1587, ibid., n. 514.
* Lippomano, May 24, 1587, ibid., n. 518.
^ Gradenigo, August 10, 1585, ibid., n. 280.
* *" Santa Cruz stimava necessarie 300 navi per la impresa dTnghilterra et 70 m. fanti et tre millioni d'oro per hora." Gritti June 14, 1586, State Archives, Venice. Cf. Brown, n. 364., The number of ships and the equipment at the review on April 19, 1588, ibid., n. 657, The numbers after the review of May 9 and
DILATORINESS OF PHILIP IT. 47
that in order to attack England, 300 ships, with 70,000 men and three miUions of gold would be required.
Before long there was no longer any room to doubt that the armaments were actually directed against England ; an army was to be sent to the island from Spain, and from Flanders under the command of Farnese. But to the despair of far-seeing statesmen these warlike preparations were carried on extraordinarily slowly. " It is really incredible," wrote the Venetian ambassador at Madrid, " how Philip, considering his long experience and his great intelligence, tries to control the huge machinery of government without the Council of State, and so to speak, without ministers.^ He writes many folio pages, and sometimes issues two thousand edicts in a day."^ This determination of the king, to deal with and grasp every- thing for himself, and to have every detail laid before him, was the cause of constant delay. ^ Moreover, in spite of his warlike preparations, until the last moment, Philip did not give up the hope of concluding peace with Elizabeth, and the latter encouraged his negotiations ; it would seem that she did this in all seriousness, because she too feared the superior strength of the Spaniards.*
No one so often or so forcibly expressed his displeasure at the dilatoriness of the king as Sixtus V. Before Christmas, 1585, Philip II. to his great joy, received the Papal authority which confirmed or granted to him again for seven years all the revenues of the so-called buU of crusade.^ But after
14 in TiLTON, 24 seq. In a memorial of March, 1588, Santa Cruz asked for 556 ships, among them 150 large ships of war, amounting altogether to a tonnage of 77,250 with 94,222 men (Duro in
'JiLTON, 2).
^ Lippomano, January 12, 1587, in Brown, n. 453.
2 Lippomano, April 14, 1587, ibid., n. 501.
^ Gradenigo, January 10, 1586, ibid., n. 304.
* Lingard, VIII., 277 seq. ; Brosch, VI., 606 ; Kervyn de Lf.tteniiove, I., 344. Lippomano wrote again on May 27, 1588, of the mandati amplissimi for Farnese, " per che possa concludere quando li deputati della Regina acconsentino alia libera rcstitu- tionc di Holanda et Zelanda." Brown, n. 670.
^ Gradenigo in Brown, n. 304, p. 130.
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
making this munificent concession, which meant an annual revenue of 1,800,000 crowns,^ the Pope wanted to see some- thing done by the king ; he did not cease to give advice and to bring pressure to bear, and often bitterly complained that he was always put off with promises for the future. He said to the ambassador of Venice that Drake's successes had been foreseen by him, and that King Philip would do better to make his plans in advance, rather than wait until his trade was ruined by the enemy and his colonies captured, and only then take the matter in hand. He said the same thing to the ambassador of Spain. ^ Another time he said that Santa Cruz should have sailed against Drake ; he should have aimed his blow directly against England, for in that case all the English troops would have been at once recalled ; moreover, England was not prepared, and her forces were scattered between the Indies and Flanders. At the same time Sixtus V. pointed to his generosity towards Spain ; he had made a calculation of the subsidies granted by Paul III. to Charles V., by Julius III. to Parma, by Paul IV. when Charles brought the French to Italy, and lastly that granted by Pius V. for the league ; "we are ready," he said, " to give the king four times this, to help him against England."^ So long as the Armada did not set sail, and even afterwards, the Pope looked upon the undertaking without confidence or trust. When he heard of Drake's successes he gradually changed his original opinion, that an attack upon England would be an easy matter, while in Rome the whole undertaking was looked upon as full of difficulty. 4 Although Sixtus V. was unwilling to make any further subsidies he nevertheless was prepared in the middle of 1586 to grant half a million scudi from the Papal treasury, and two millions from the revenues of the Spanish clergy, if Philip would contribute another two million.^
1 Ibid.
2 Gritti, May 10, 1586, ibid., n. 349.
3 Gritti, May 31, 1586, ibid., n. 359.
* " L'impresa era stimata piena di molte difficolta." Gritti, July 5, 1586, ibid., n. 376. 5 Ibid.
THE WISHES OF SIXTUS V. 49
Philip's dilatoriness was not looked upon in Rome as the only difficulty standing in the way of the undertaking against England. If Sixtus V., thought the nuncio in Spain, had been as well informed as Gregory XIII., he would perhaps have looked upon both his schemes as impracticable, namely the attack on Geneva and that on England. For who would become the sovereign of the latter, if it were conquered ? Philip would put forward his own claims, but neither the Pope nor any other prince would give his consent to such an aggrandizement of the power of Spain. ^ If Philip were to unite England as well to his world-wide dominions, there would be a danger of the Pope becoming a mere chaplain of the King of Spain. Sixtus V. had an opportunity of learning what the other princes would think of such an extension of the power of the Spanish monarchy, when he asked Henry III. what attitude he intended to adopt towards the expedition against England. The king replied^ that he would indeed be glad to see England in other hands than those of Elizabeth, but that he would never consent to seeing that kingdom in the hands of the Spaniards. When the Pope replied that if that country were conquered it would come into the hands of James VI., who would easily be converted, the king retorted : if the victory is won by the King of Spain, nobody need expect that he will give up his conquest ; the Spaniards are not friars, and they will not give up the fruits of their victorious arms in obedience to a command of the Pope.
Sixtus V. naturally looked at the matter from the point of view of religion ; he desired the conquest of England as a preparatory step to bringing that country back to Catholicism. To Philip, on the other hand, the undertaking was principally political ; to him it was a question of protecting his existing dominions and of acquiring a new kingdom ; at first
^ Gradenigo, February 22, 1586, in Brown, n. 322. Hubner (F, 31.5. Germ, edit.) says : " How very modern these reflections of the diplomatic Pope sound ; and how they develop the doctrine of the European balance of power ! "
* Gritti, June 14, 1586, in Brown, n. 36.] ; cf. n. 337.I
VOL. XXII. 4
50 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he wished to be invested by the Pope with the crown of England for himself, and when Sixtus V. would not agree to this, he wished for it for his daughter, Isabella Clara Eugenia.^ Some of his contemporaries entertained suspicions of Philip's religious motives, and thought that he was acting in accord- ance with the advice of Macchiavelli, that a prince should be guided by religion rather in outward appearances than in fact.^ It would seem, however, that this was going too far, and the king's usurpations at the expense of the Church were not sufficient to warrant such an accusation. Nevertheless in his designs against Elizabeth religious motives were only secondary, and therefore Sixtus V. mistrusted the sincerity of his intentions, so that Olivares had considerable difficulty in removing such suspicions.^ The ambassador of Venice several times openly voiced the suspicion that the preparations against England were only feigned, in order to deceive the Pope and obtain money from him.* Sixtus V. himself once said : We have granted the King of Spain the goods of the Church, and this money is the cause of all his failures, because it was not used for its proper purpose."^
But in spite of all his doubts the Pope was in the end constrained to avail himself of the services of Philip.
^ Pollen in The Month, CI. (1903), 561 ; Bellesheim, Allen, 161.
2 Al' incontro non mancano infinite e gravi persone che tengono, che quella santimonia e devotion e non sia sopra pietosa radice e Christiana base fondata, ma su quella politica regola che la religione in un principe debba piii apparire che esservi et che solo a similo esteriorita nenon con grande arte dirizzate le cose sopra- dette. Spanish report (by Camillo Guidi ?) in C. Bratli, 189.
^ See his letter of February 24, 1586, in Bellesheim, loc cit.,
^57-
* Gradenigo, August 10 and October 18, 1585, in Brown, n. 280, 288.
^ Gritti, November 28, 1587, ibid., n. 604. Perhaps this suspicion explains the harsh tone of the autograph letter of the Pope to Philip II. of July 25, 1588, in which Sixtus V. defines his position in the matter of subsidies. Arch. Rom., XIV. (1891), 172 seg. ; Meyer, 273, n. i ; Herre, 385 n.
ALLIANCE OF THE POPE WITH SPAIN. 5I
On July 29th, 1587, a formal convention was drawn up.^ In virtue of this Sixtus V. promised financial aid to the amount of a million scudi ; half of this was payable after the departure of the Spanish troops for England, and the other half was to be paid in two-monthly instalments. To the Pope's promise was attached the special condition that the Spanish fleet should sail during 1587. Other conditions were also laid down as essential, and to these Philip had to pledge himself by a public act on his honour as a sovereign. After the conquest he was to nominate a king for England from whom the restoration and maintenance of the Catholic religion could be definitely expected, the man chosen must be accept- able to the Holy See, and was to receive his investiture from the Pope. The Apostolic See was to receive back all its rights and revenues, and the churches, monasteries and pious foundations all their former possessions. The treaty was signed on behalf of the Pope by Cardinal Carafa, and on that of the king by Olivares. The whole matter, moreover, was to be treated as an inviolable secret, and it was only at the end of June, 1588 that Sixtus V. informed a few Cardinals, especially Cardinal Mattel, of the alliance. ^
^ Printed in Meyer, 454-457. * " L'anno passato di luglio sottoscrissero i capitoli S.S^^ et il conte Olivares, per questa impresa d' Inghilterra, et vi era 11 capitolo che al settembre si andasse all' impresa." Brumani, August 27, 1588, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. On June 27, 1587, Gritti wrote that the Pope had promised to pay 600,000 crowns immediately after the landing in England, and after that 70,000 crowns a month for the whole duration of the war, but England was to remain a Papal fief and the Pope was to nominate the king. Brown,
n- 537-
2 * " Noverit V.S. S-S^i^iai D.N. pepigisse fedus ante aliquot menses cum rege Ispaniae adversus reginam Angliae ; quod quidem adeo hucusque occultavit, ut nee unus ex cardinalibus a S.S^c cognoscere potuit. Detegit tamen ante 4 dies uni vel alteri cardinal! et presertim cardinal! Matteo Romano." Sporeno, June 25, 1588, Provincial Archives, Innsbruck. Cf. S.\NiORi, Autobiografia, XIII., 180.
52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Although the treaty with PhiHp II. was kept secret, Sixtus V. gave a pubhc proof of his rapprochement with the King of Spain. For a long time the English refugees on the continent had sought to obtain through Philip II. the elevation of Allen to the cardinalate.^ The object was to give the English Catholics a leader and a head, round whom they could rally, because, as they said, the effects of the want of such a head could be clearly seen from the case of Scotland. ^ Philip pressed for the appointment of Allen especially in order that the new Cardinal might accompany the Spanish army on the expedition to England as Papal legate, and after the conquest bring his authority to bear for the reorganization of religious and political conditions.^ But in spite of all his efforts, the end of 1586 arrived without Advent (the time kept by Sixtus V. for the appointment of Cardinals) having brought with it the fulfilment of the king's wishes. * Everyone was therefore surprised when, on August 7th, 1587, the Pope, quite outside the customary time, and not long after he had spoken bitterly against Philip II., at the close of a consistory proposed Allen for the cardinalate, on the ground that the necessity of giving the English an Englishman as their leader justified this exception to the law recently issued. The Cardinals gave their assent, and only two of them hinted at a Scottish archbishop as a suitable candidate. After this Cardinal Carafa presented Allen to the Pope and the Cardinals. During the next few days Allen received the title of Cardinal
1 Mendoza to Philip II., April 6, 1581, Corresp. de Felipe II. Vol. v., 565 seq.
2 Letter of ]\'ovember i, 1582, ibid., VI., 421 ; the memorial of Olivares to the Pope, March 14, 1587, in Bellesheim, Allen, 165. Morgan and the Welsh party were working against Allen and wished to see nominated in his stead their compatriot Owen Lewis. Lechat, 161 seq.
8 Olivares, February 24, 1586, in Bellesheim, Allen, 158.
* All that had been done was to appoint a new Cardinal Pro- tector for England : " Sisto V. crea il cardinale Enrico Gaectani protettore d' Inghilterra." June 30, 1586, from the Gaetani Archives, Rome.
ALLEN CREATED CARDINAL. 53
of England.^ It was thought that the appointment had been made to make up to PhiUp II. for the bitter words which the Pope had employed against him. 2 In fact Sixtus V. wrote to the king on the same day that he had promoted Allen in order to comply with his wishes,^ adding that the whole of Rome had understood the event as an announcement of the expedition against England, even though he had adduced a quite innocent motive for the appointment.* Sixtus V. took the opportunity of again bringing pressure to bear, and at the same time of appealing to the conscience of the powerful king " so that your Majesty may set your hand to this undertaking, taking care first to reconcile yourself with God, for the sins of sovereigns are the misfortune of their subjects, and the ruination of their kingdom. No sin caUs down the anger of God more severely than the usurpation of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as may be seen from, both sacred
1 " Turn S"^^^ proposuit promotionem Gngl. Alani Angli in cardinalem, et hoc quia cum Maria regina Scotiae, in qua Angli et catholici omnes illarum partium spes suas posuerant, exspec- tantes illius successionem in regni Angliae, et finein tandem imponi tot calamitatibus, persecutionibus et miseriis, defuncta sit, ne regnante impiissima lezabele catholici et fideles omnino desperent, cogitavit ilium in cardinalium coetum aggregare. . . ." Acta consist, in Cod. Barb., XXXVI., 5, II., p. 238b, Vatican Library, printed in Anal, juris Pontif., Ilnd. Ser., 1872, 852. Cf. Gritti, August 8, 1587, in Brown, n. 565. Extract from the Consistorial Archives in Laemmer, Melet., 232 ; Bellesheim, Allen, 176. Ritter {Deutsche Gesch., II., 40) makes Allen a Jesuit !
2 Further " a confusione di quella scelerata et indegna regina d' Inghilterra." Allen is " creatura di Farnese," and hence the displeasure of the Cardinals not of Farnese's party. Thus ♦Malegnani, August 8, 1587, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
^ Letter in Bellesheim, Allen, 176. Cf. Brom-Hensen, Rom. Bronnen, Hague, 1922, 671.
* " Et ancorche io nel proporlo habbia tcnuto pretesto molto lontano da ogni sospetto, nondimeno mi si dice che per Roma subito fu cominciato a dire : hora mettianci in ordine per la guerra d' Inghilterra." Arch. Rom., \. (1882), 575.
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and political history." Sixtus V. developed this theme in detail, and exhorted Philip to do penance, for otherwise a great disaster might fall upon him.^ It would seem, however, that the Pope, apart from his consideration for Philip II., had resolved to promote Allen, and when Pisany complained that France had been once again passed over, he gave hopes for the coming Advent ; the appointment of Allen had not been made out of consideration for Spain, and they would see the good purpose it would serve. ^ At Madrid the promotion of Allen was received with great satisfaction,^ and in Rome as well men were unanimous in praising the new Cardinal.^ Sixtus V. showed himself accommodating to the Spaniards in another way as well ; he gave his approval to an edict solemnly declaring to the English Catholics the renewal of the Papal bull of excommxUnication of Elizabeth, and her sentence of deposition. This was printed as a broadsheet at Antwerp and was to be disseminated among the Catholics immediately after the landing in England.^ Allen, from whose pen the document came, accompanied it by a declara- tion in v/hich the misdeeds of Elizabeth in her public and private life were enumerated in the strongest terms. ^ When at last it really seemed that the Armada was preparing to put out to sea, on March 30th, 1588, a printed announcement of a great jubilee indulgence was issued, which was kept throughout Italy with great devotion and with large gifts of alms by great crowds. After Easter, so the Pope stated, he would make known the reasons why he had published the indulgence.'^ In Spain too heaven was implored to grant
1 Cf. Vol. XXI. of this work, p. 270.
- Bremond, 259.
=* Speciani in Bellesheim, Allen, 177; Meyer, 275.
^ *Malegnani, loc. cit. says of him that he is very dignified ; just as " bello d' aspetto, persona humanissimo " is the description of the Avviso of August 8, 1587, Urb. T055, p. 307, Vatican Library Cf. Gritti, loc. cit.
'" Meyer, 277-279.
« LiNGARD, VIII., 279, 442-446.
' *Avvisi of March 30, April 13 and 30, 1588, Urb. 1056, p. 121, 136, 170, Vatican Library.
PUBLIC PRAYERS IN SPAIN. 55
victory by prayers at every mass and in all the churches ;^ in Madrid the Forty Hours was held forty times in forty churches, 2 and every day there was exposition of the Blessed Sacrament and a sung mass in a specified church ;^ on festival days there were crowded processions ;* all this was done for the happy event of the Armada, and the continuation of these prayers was ordered anew every two months.^ The king himself prayed on his knees every day for two or three hours before the Most Holy, and as was reported, he got up in the night to pray.® When the fleet had put out to sea he knelt for four hours on the bare pavement with his hands joined or raised, and the heir to the throne was made to serve the mass which Philip was hearing.'^ This gives the impres- sion that the king had a lively realization of the inadequacy of his preparations ; natural means, upon which the issue essentially depend, had to be supplemented by supernatural ones, which, however, are not intended to fulfil their purpose unaided. It would also seem that Philip attached importance to the supposed visions and prophecies of a mystic, who was said to have received the stigmata.^ Other visionaries on the other hand prophecied disaster to Spain. ^ The Augustin- ian, Alonso de Orozeo, who was held to be a saint, predicted
^ Lippomano, July 5, 1587, in Brown, n. 543.
2 Ibid.
3 Lippomano, October 31, 1587, ibid., n. 592. ^ Lippomano, May 5, 1588, ibid., n. 656.
5 Lippomano, September 19 and October 31, 1587, ibid., n. 583, 628.
•'Lippomano, April 30 and May 5, 1588, ibid., n. 653, 656; Speciani, April 30 and July 11, 1588, in Meyer, 267 seq.
' Speciani, July 11, 1588, ibid., 268.
* He wrote to her with his own hand and promised to visit her ; later on it appeared that she had received 40,000 crowns in jewels and gold. Lippomano, December 31, 1588, in Brown, n. 794. The judicial sentence upon her, ibid., n. 795. Santa Cruz also visited her, ibid., n. 550 ; even Louis of Granada v.as deceived by her, ibid., n. 628.
" Speciani, in Meyer, 267.
56 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that the expedition would be shipwrecked " on account of our sms. ^
Shrewd observers also threw doubts upon the happy issue of the Spanish venture, but on the other hand Alonso di Leyva held out great hopes to the king, saying that Elizabeth could never withstand, on land or sea, so great an armament. 2 But in Paris, in April, 1588, ^ men still thought that Philip would never hazard so great an undertaking, and that he would never submit the peace and independence of his kingdom to the uncertainty and risk of a battle. It was too well known how strong the English fleet was, and how skilled the English were in sea fighting. Therefore, the Venetians Mocenigo and Gritti wrote from Paris and Rome that even in the event of victory the Spanish Armada would be so reduced that there could be no thought of effecting a landing in England.* It was there- fore hoped up to the last moment that peace would be concluded between Spain and England,^ but this very hope gave opportunity in Spain for working less zealously upon the fitting out of the Armada. It is the Papal nuncio in Madrid who tells us this,® while his colleague in Venice reports that, according to the view widely held there, the Spanish fleet could not be compared with the English one, that its ships were inferior, and the crews without experience or military discipline.' The French ambassador Pisany described the state of the Armada and of Philip's army to the Pope in similar terms ; the king, he said, will accomplish nothing against England, because he is unable to do so.^ Sixtus V. himself said to the Venetian ambassador^ that it was true that the
1 See T. Camara, Vida del b. A. de Orozeo, Valladolid, 1882, 321 seq.
2 Lippomano, February 6, 1388, in Brown, n. 625.
3 Mocenigo, April 8, 1588, ibid., n. 648.
* Mocenigo, April 8, Gritti, May 7, 1588, in Brown, n, 648, 660. •'"' Gritti, ibid.
^ Speciani, January 18, 1588, in Meyer, 286, ' Matteucci, May 11, 1588. ibid.
* On August 24, 1587, in Bremond, 284. "Gritti, March 12, 1588, in Brown, n. 640.
MISGIVINGS OF THE POPE. 57
king had prepared his Armada, but that he was so slow in coming to his decisions that " we have no idea when he will carry out his plans. Nor do we see what he can do, since Elizabeth has 140 ships of war, she has received great pecuniary assistance from Denmark and Saxony, she has constructed fortifications, and she has been able to do so quite unmolested. On the other hand the king has lost 20,000 men by bad management and bad administration. We do not know what will happen. On the other hand the king has on his side the justice and mercy of God, and therefore he, the Pope, has not lost hope." Sixtus V. expressed himself stiU more bitterly to Pisany about the King of Spain. ^ When he was alone with his secretary he shed many tears whenever he thought about the sailing of the Armada. ^
There were reasons enough for fear and anxiety. Philip, according to an estimate of the time,^ had got together 153 ships, 8,041 sailors, and 19,747 soldiers, 916 volunteers and 2,460 cannon. The armament was obtained in great measure from Protestant contractors in Germany and Denmark.^
1 Pisany to Henry III., April 13, 1588, in Bremond, 286.
2 " Se r armata del re Cattolico fosse uscita il Settembre et Ottobre passato, N.S. haveva certa fiducia, che dovesse ottenere vittoria. Hora e tanto disconfidato di se stesso, che non si puo indurre a credere, che habbia a sortire buon fine. Et ogni volta che si ricorda, che habbia ad uscire, non puo tenere le lagrime, che li piovono largamente da gl' occhi. Et nel leggere la cifra de V.S., se bene la tiene per vanita, non si ha potuto contenere, che non pianga meco, et tanto dirottamente che ha indotto nie ancora in piangere. Ma questo sia tra lei e me." The secretary, Giov. Andrea, Bishop of Bertinoro, to the Spanish nuncio, Speciani, April 2, 1588, in Brom-Hensen, Rom. Bronnen, The Hague, 1922, 673, n. 856.
3 Brown, n. 671. The information, however, is contradictory. Other figures in Meyer, 284, and Brosch, VI., 608. Cf. also the Este reports in Ricci, Silingardi, II., 39 seq., 41.
* Some of the largest ships were purchased from the German cities of the Hanseatic League ; for the construction and equip- ment of the others Spain obtained everything in the way of timber, ropes, tackle, pitch, tar, provisions and cirtillery which
58 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
At first Elizabeth was neglectful about her own armaments ; but in the end the English fleet had about as many large ships, and many more small ones than the Spanish Armada, while in artillery the English were three times superior to their inexperienced adversaries.^ Moreover, a short time before the Armada sailed, the Spaniards suffered an irreparable loss by the death of their distinguished admiral, Santa Cruz, the conqueror of Don Antonio at the Azores. ^ His place was taken by Medina Sidonia, who owed his appointment to a position of such great responsibility solely to his noble birth. Their misfortunes were brought to a head by the instructions given to the new admiral. Although the great number of cannon, about 2,500, in the fleet, seemed to point to the advisability of abandoning medieval methods of sea warfare, and of meeting the English artillery on their own terms, yet the instructions of Medina Sidonia^ contained the advice to try and draw near the enemy's ships and to board them. It was quite impossible to overcome the English fleet by such means.
When at length in the last days of May the Armada set sail from the harbour of Lisbon, whole months passed in Rome without any exact news of its fortunes. At the beginning of July the Pope expressed his painful surprise at this ; instead of leaving the Queen of England time to arm, he said, Philip should have followed the Pope's advice and attacked England in the September of the previous year. But the king is old, he said, and he cannot change his nature ; we must take him
could not be provided at home, to a great extent from Hamburg, Liibeck, Danzig and Wismar. The embargo upon and the capture of certain ships by England had the consequence that later on reinforcements for the Spanish undertakings against England had to be conveyed by long detours round the Orkneys to the Spanish ports. Edward P. Cheyney in the Eng. Hist. Review, XX. (1905), 662-670.
1 Meyer, 284 ; Tilton, 29 seq.
2 Died on February 29, 1588 ; see Brown, n. 628, ' Tilton, 3-5 ; Meyer, 284.
ANXIETY FOR THE ARMADA. 59
as he is.^ At the end of August the rumour ran through Rome that the Spaniards had been victorious ; many Cardinals and crowds of people went to the church of S. Giacomo degli Spagnuoli to give thanks to God, and there were public festivities.^ But the Pope remained mistrustful ; this English expedition, he said about this time, has never pleased me.^ About a fortnight later he again expressed himself as before as to the cunning of Elizabeth and the dilatoriness of Philip, and he ended by expressing his fear that the Armada would accomplish nothing unless God worked a miracle. To a bishop who visited him in disguise, James VI. had promised to recognize the Holy See, and to provide a harbour of refuge for the Armada, but Philip's delays had given Elizabeth time to induce the young king once more to change his mind. Cardinal Morosini wrote to Rome from Paris that a harbour of refuge in France for the Spanish fleet was an absolute necessity, and that at his suggestion the French king was inclined to provide this, but that when the Pope showed the letter on the subject to the Spanish ambassador the latter had laughed and treated the matter as of no importance.* The Pope's advice was also neglected in other
^ Gritti, July 9, 1588, in Brown, n. 686. Dated July 6, 15S8, is the *Descrittione dei porti e fortezze d' Inghilterra, composed by Fr. B. Bonardus, " magist. s. palatii," in Varia polit. LXX., 106 seqq., Papal Secret Archives. Ibid., LXXXVL, 172 seqq. a similar *note to Filippo Pigafetta, when the Duke of Parma was suggested as general.
2 *Avviso of August 24, 1588, Urb. 1056, p. 363, Vatican Library. Such reports of victories were also spread elsewhere, especially by Mendoza ; cf. Duro, I., 175-200.
^ " *La guerra di Inghilterra non piaque mai alia S.S^^, ma si quella d' Alghieri, prima perche quella e piu difficile, secondo non e tanto dannosa Inghilterra aile anime christiane, come che non praticano se non volontariamente, come Alghieri che van depre- dando sempre i nostri mari." Brumani, August 27, 1588, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. App. No. 27.
* Moreover Philip had entered into relations with the Due d' Aumale, so that he might hand over to him the port of Boulogne; but Aumale was driven back (Fourneron, Les Dues de Guise,
60 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ways, in spite of the fact that Sixtus V. had promised far greater pecuniary help than ever had been given by his predecessors.^
II., 294 seq.). In a secret instruction PhiHp li. pointed ont to his admiral, Medina Sidonia, that if the landing in England was not immediately successful he should take possession of the Isle of Wight as a base (TiLTON.y).
1 " *s_s*^ rni ragiono dell' armata, et sta con dubbioso pensiero del successo, vedendo cosi traversati principii. II duca di Parma sbarco la sua gente, per questo ponto secreto, pcrche havea presentito nella Fiandra solevatione cagionata si crede per industria della regina d' Inghilterra per divertirlo a non unirsi con r armata spagnola il che gU e successo. Lod6 qui S.S^^ r astutia per ragion di stato, di questa donna, mi disse che la tardanza ha cagionato et cagionera ogni male perche il re di Scotia havea promesso due cose col mezzo d' un vescovo vestito da laico, con licenza de S.S*^, una di mandare a riconoscere la S.S*^ come vero Vicario, la 2* porto principale per tutta 1' armata spagnuola, ma tardando 1' armata, la regina ha fatto tanto che r ha dissuaso et indotto alia sua devotione, inducendolo a far tagliar il capo ad un principale che lo tenea nella devotione Christiana. Mi ha detto di piu che il Morosino hora card^^ scrisse a S.S*^ a mesi passati che non sapea como 1' armata non dovesse haver bisogno di porto per la riviera Francesca in occasione di fortuna et che a raggionamento largo havea cavato dal re di Francia buona inclinatione a tal comodita, N.S. [communico] questo capitolo di lettera al conte Olivares, il quale se ne rise e lo sprezz6. Pensa mo' V. A. che dica hora S.S*^ in veder 1' armata andar in traversia senza haver porto. Mi ha detto di piu haver dimandata 1' armata sopra le spalle sue con promessa de pagar ogni legno che si perdera et pagar il nollo de legni che stanno a nollo in quest' armata et lassare che S.S*^ faccia guidare da chi gli piace quest' impresa, ma non la vogUono intenderc. Mi ha detto anco che quando si capitul6 1' anno passato volea mandar gente sua si come fece sempre Paolo III. in tutti gU aiuti che diede a Carlo V., et Pio V. nell' aiuto di Francia et nella lega contro il Turco, ma i Spagnuoli non la volsero intendere et S.S^^ condescese acci6 di lui non si puotessero mai lamentare, che per sua causa non si fosse fatta 1' impresa. Quanto al denaro gh protesto, che niun Papa secondo le scritture di Castello non diede mai piu che
NEWS OF THE DEFEAT. 6l
In the meanwhile, the rejoicings in Rome in August had long spent themselves. On September 24th the Mantuan envoy, Brumani, wrote that they were anxiously waiting for definite news of the Armada ; on October ist he reports that Cardinal Joyeuse had received bad news.^ In the middle of October they were still in a state of uncertainty ; at that date they kept the Forty Hours in S. Giacomo degli Spagnuoli for the victory of the fleet, which had already long since been defeated, and the Pope himself was present at its solemn conclusion. 2 But at the same time Sixtus V.'s attitude at that time was so full of doubt and so little favourable to Spain that Olivares reported this to Madrid in words of great irritation. The Pope, he said, shows no joy at good news, but even, on the contrary, an almost scandalous indifference to bad news.^ Sixtus V. had to defend himself against the accusation of discourtesy towards Spain ; he said that he could not give Philip a greater proof of his sympathy than by telling him his opinion quite frankly.^
At length Spain herself received definite news of the fate of her Armada, when, at the beginning of October, the first wretched remnant of the powerful fleet and the half-starved survivors of the crews returned to their country.^ A month later half the ships had not yet returned.^ It was not the
100^ ducati al' anno, et che S.S*^ promettea un milione d' ore cioe 500 milia, sbarcata la gente per far 1 impresa e poi cento miUa al mese, et con tutte queste cose va dubitando che non si fara impresa, se la M*^ de Dio non fa miracoli. Questo in sostantia ho cavato a longhi raggionamenti dalla S.S^^". Brumani, September 10, 1588, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
1 Both *letters in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. the report of Gritti, September 24, 1588, in Brown, n, 744.
2 *Avviso of October 19, 1588, Urb. 1056, p. 475, Vatican Library.
3 Olivares, September 26, 1588, in Hubner, III., Appendix 39 ; Bremond, 287.
* Gritti, July 9, 1588, in Brown, n. 686.
^ Meyer, 286.
^ Lippomano, November i, 1588, in Brown, n, 770.
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
winds nor the seas that had brought about the destruction of the Armada, on which in the opinion of many the fate of Christendom seemed to depend ;^ rather it was the superior mobility of the EngUsh ships, the greater experience of their commanders, and the greater efficiency and range of their guns, which, in the initial encounters, from July 30th onwards, and after the destruction of so many ships by night by the Enghsh fire-ships in the decisive battle of August 8th, forced the Spanish fleet into retreat It was fortunate for the vanquished that after the battle the prevailing north-west wind suddenly dropped, for otherwise it would have driven the helpless ships to be wrecked on the coasts of Zeeland ; it was a further piece of good fortune that the enemy's ships which were pursuing them were short of munitions, for other- wise England would have won a victory which would have completely exterminated the enemy The remnant that, in the course of the long voyage home by the north of England, was broken up by storms and driven upon the coasts of Ireland, were but the sorry remains of the once powerful Armada. ^
Numerous broadsheets spread the news of the surprising event among the nations of Europe. ^ The impression they
^ See the letter of Frangipani to the rector of the Jesuit college at Treves, August 23, 1588, in Brom-Hensen, Rom. Bronneu,
675.
2 Meyer, 286 seq. ; Tilton, Katastrophe der span. Armada,
Freiburg, 1S94, with a summary of the sources, pp. 35-44. Cf. the report of Pedro Coco de Calderon, v/ho took part in the expedition, in the Revista de Archivos, Biblioiecas y Museos, I., Madrid, 1897 ; Hugh Allingham, Captain Cuellar's Adventure in Connacht and Ulster, a.d. 1588, London, 1897 '> report of the Duke of Parma, August 12, 1588, in Brown, n. 728 {cf. 734, 746) ; Los naufragos de la Armada Espafiola en Irlanda, in the Bol. de la R. Acad, de la historia, XVI. (1890), 255 seqq.
3 One such broadsheet : Contrafactuer der Hispanischen und Englischen Armada, wie sie auf dem Britanischen Meer einander augetroffen. Anno 1588, 9 Augusti, in J. B. Adrian, Mitteilungen aus Handschriften u. seltenen Dokumenten, Frankfort, 1S46, 364 seqq. Another broadsheet bears the title : Ein new Lied / von der Spanischen Ar / mada und Kreigsriistung auf / Meer under
THE POPE REFUSES FURTHER HELP. 63
produced was very great everywhere, and the pohtical after- math was bound to follow ; this Vv^as to be seen in Italy, which was so oppressed by the Spaniards, in the changed attitude of Venice and Tuscany.^ Sixtus V. was inclined to follow the example of these two states, when the murder of the two Guise led him once more to a rapprochement with Spain. ^ The Pope disclaimed any share in the responsibility for the ill-fated expedition, to which he had only given his consent with a bad grace, so as not to seem to hold back from an undertaking against the enemies of the faith. ^ He refused, however, to come to the assistance of the embarassed finances of the King of Spain, because he had only made the promise to do so in the event of a landing being made in England. In his indignation, Philip for a time only dealt with the nuncio in Spain by letter. * Moreover, the Pope had 'already shown his unwillingness to touch the treasure kept in the Castle of St. Angelo, and when the Armada set sail he had summoned the Conservatori of Rome to his presence and appealed to them for help to raise a million ducats in some other way.^
Philip II. was hard hit by what happened. At the receipt
dem befelch des Her /' zogs von Medina Sidonia auss Portugal / wie dise nach Engellandt abgesschifft, aber / durch die Engel- lander durch vilfaltige Schar / niiitzel und Schlachten Sammlich erschlagen / verbrendt, gefangen, zum Teil durch / un gUick- hafte Wind auf dem Meer / verwahet worden sind etc. / In der Weiss, wie die Schlacht / aus Frankreicht singt oder in s Linden / schmids Then zu singen. / Gedruckt zu Nider Wesel bey Nicolaus Schreber, 1588, 3 foUos in sm. oct. ; copy in the library of J. V. Gorres, kindly lent by Frl. S. Gorres.
1 Herre, 391 seq.
2 Ibid.
3 Badoer, April 29, 1589, in Hubner, IL, 481. At the end of September, 1588, Sixtus V. declared himself quite ready to lend 800,000 ducats, but demanded guarantees of repayment if the expedition against England should not take place. Brown, n. 743-
4 Bremond, 288; Badoer, July 6, 1589, in Brown, n. 861. C/. Ricci, Silingardi, I., 52.
^ Pisany, June 28, 1588, in Bremond, 288.
64 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the news of the terrible disaster he preserved his exterior calm, as he had previously done during those sad weeks when all Spain was in suspense between hope and fear.^ After the first bad news, which was carefully withheld from the people, had come, he withdrew more than ever from appearing in public, and no one could have access to him : he made his will anew, and remained for hours alone with his confessor. ^ A reHgious openly said to him that God had listened to other appeals than the prayers and processions ordered by the king, namely the prayers of the downtrodden poor, who thronged round the court without receiving their pay and unheeded in their needs. ^ The sorrows of this sorely tried man reached their height when, at the beginning of 1589, in addition to his anguish of mind, he was made to suffer also as a father. The only son who remained to him was lying between life and death. Even then Philip tried to conceal his anguish, but he could not succeed in doing so. He sat in his study, he signed edicts, he superintended current business, but he could not refrain from visiting his son, who seemed to be at the point of death. ^ He did not give up the idea of sending another fleet against England.^ He would sell, he said, even the candelabra on his desk if necessary, in order to obtain money. In the meantime the cities of Spain vied with each other in offering their assistance to the king.^
While Spain was plunged in the depths of grief, England, as may well be understood, was beside herself with joy at what had happened. Firework displays and entertainments were arranged, and the people enthusiastically acclaimed the queen when, mounted on a white palfrey, and with a marshal's baton in her hand, she reviewed the troops at
^ Meyer, 291.
2 Lippomano, September 6, 1588, in Brown, n. 732.
3 Lippomano, October i, 1588, ibid., n. y/jy.
* Lippomano, February 27, 1589, ihid., n. 821.
^ Lippomano, September 29, October 12 and 24, and November I, 1588, ibid., n. 745, 754, 768, 770.
^ Ibid., n. 770. Speciani to Montalto, September 24, 1588, in Meyer, 291 ; Brosch, VL, 656, n. 3.
REJOICINGS IN ENGLAND. 65
Tilbury on the day after the battle.^ The rejoicings were also given a religious form ; services of thanksgiving were held, and the opportunity was eagerly seized upon for repre- senting the triumph over the Spanish Armada as a judgment of God, in which the Almighty had pronounced in favour of Protestantism and against the Catholic Church. In order to make this opinion credible and self-evident the historical facts were entirely distorted. ^ In the legend which grew up, and which has found an echo even in recent historical works, it was not the superiority and experience of sea warfare, not the better equipment of the English which had brought about the victory, but the direct intervention of God which drove the enemy to disaster. Thus the might of the Spanish Armada was depicted in the most exaggerated colours, it was Elizabeth who had nothing of the kind with which to oppose it, it was England which seemed doomed to destruction. But the Almighty fought for His own, and sent a tempest against the Spaniards ; " Almighty God breathed, and the Armada was scattered in all directions."^ The fable that Philip II. had looked upon his Armada as " i;i vincible," and had from the first called it so, was intended to serve
1 1.iNGARD, VIII., 285, 290.
2 " That a great naval engagement should die out of the popular imagination and give place to the impression left by the disaster wrought by the forces of nature ; that storm and foam should take the place of the roar of cannon, and that to wind and wave should be ascribed what was due to the superior equipment of a fleet, finds no parallel in the history of modern warfare." Meyer, p. 223 (Engl, transl.).
3 Catholics too drew a moral of a religious nature from the great event. Thus Maflei says : " Haec tanta tamque inopinata Hispanorum clades haereticis interim exultandi, Catholicis moderandi animos, rerumque humanarum imbecillitatem agnoscendi, cunctis divina indicia cum timore ac tremore pensandi, satis amplam in multos annos materiam praebuit : ac simul dilati sapienter a Sixto subsidii, vel iniquis et obtrectatoril^us apertam confessionem expressit (Hist. 44). Cf. Meyer, 293.
VOL. XXII. S
66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the same purpose. But no such expressions are to be found in the Spanish records.^
The CathoHcs of England had to pay dearly for the Spanish attack and defeat. When the attack by Spain was imminent in 1586 the royal Privy Council had allowed itself to be led to relax for the first time the persecution of the Catholics ; after February 23rd in that year those adherents of the old faith who were prepared to enter the light cavalry, were, on the payment of a sum to be agreed upon, relieved of the fines which they would otherwise have had to pay for non- attendance at church and the like. In November 1586 for the first time the opinion began to be held that the constant condemnations were damaging the reputation of the govern- ment itself, and they began to withdraw priests from the prisons in the large cities and remove them to isolated castles, where they would attract less attention. ^ But 1588 brought a reaction. At the end of the year some of the royal coun- cillors suggested the carrying out of a kind of massacre of St. Bartholomew among the Catholics. Elizabeth rejected this proposal, but a great number of Catholics of both sexes and of all classes were thrown into prison, perquisitions were carried out, and ministers inveighed from the pulpits against the tyranny of the Pope and the treason of the Catholics.^ Nevertheless the loyalty of the latter under such treatment remained unshaken, and the Catholics displayed the same love of their country as their Protestant fellow countrymen.'*
* " It is clear from the despatches that the Spaniards never regarded their Armada as invincible ; it sailed amid fears and prayers rather than amid popular exaltation." Opinion of Armstrong in an article in the Eng. Hist. Rev., XII. (1897), ^^7-
2 Pollen in The Month, CV. (1905), 274 seq.
* LiNGARD, VIII., 276 seq. A contemporary description of the terror by the Jesuit Weston in Spillmann, III., 154.
* Ibid. The EngUsh exiles on the continent, who were looking to their return to their country from the Armada, were for the most part on the side of Philip. The list of the officers and nobles of the Armada contains about 20-25 EngUsh or Irish names ; according to Camden there were in the ranks of Farnese's army
LOYALTY OF THE ENGLISH CATHOLICS. 67
Burghley himself bore witness to this after the defeat of the Armada, in a work composed by himself and entitled A Letter to Mendoza, issued as the supposed work of an English Catholic, and published in various languages. ^ This especially praises Viscount Montague, who appeared before the queen with his son and his nephew at the head of 200 horsemen, for the protection of her person. The writer goes on to relate how in the prison of Ely those who had been arrested for their religion signed a declaration of their readiness to protect the queen till death against everyone. Francis Englefield, a declared supporter of the Spaniards, wrote on February 3rd, 1589, that there was no hope of the immediate return of England to the ancient Church, since the English Catholics themselves were resolved to resist Spain. ^ Marino Cavalli,
of invasion about 700 EngUshmen. But even among the exiles some refused to bear arms against their own country. Thomas Denyce, a fervent Catholic, who enjoyed the favour of the Inquisi- tors, even warned Elizabeth of the Spanish plans. Lechat, 145.
1 This work was at once recognized by Persons as a forgery (LiNGARD, VIII., 277 n.). Sir Walter Scott prefaces his new edition in the Somers Tracts with the remark : " It is hardly necessary to add that the letter is suppositious." The proof of the authorship of Burghley was given by Pollen, In addition to internal evidence, this is further shown by the sketch of the work which still exists in Burghley's hand, see The Month, CXVII. (1911), 300-304, 531-532. For the facts given in the text we may use, together with Lingard (VIII., 277 n.) the letter to Mendoza. Just as Mendoza, after the defeat of the Spaniards still continued to spread news of their victory, so did Burghley in this work direct his irony against the attitude of the ambassador, who grieved as a Catholic at the damage inflicted on the English Catholics by the Armada, disapproving of the bull of excommuni- cation against Elizabeth and the explanation of it given by Allen, and speaking of the aversion felt by English Catholics for a forced restoration of Catholicism. For the French edition of this work cf. Stubel in Mitteil. des osterr. Instit., XX. (1899), 672 seq.
2 Pollen in The Month, IC. (1902), 411. It is uncertain whether the British admiral Lord Howard of Effingham was a Catholic {ibid.). Further reasons against the view that Lord Howard, the victor of the Armada, was a Catholic, are given by E. J. Davis in History, 1925.
68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Venetian ambassador in Paris, wrote in 1602 that at the time when the Spanish fleet made its attack upon England, the Cathohcs had all remained loyal to the queen. ^
But their loyalty could not protect the Catholics from the fate of Elizabeth taking her revenge at their expense for the attack of the Catholic King. Even during the fight with the Armada, on July 24th, 1588, three priests were put to death on account of their religion. ^ After the danger was over, in one week, about the feast of St. Bartholomew, fourteen priests and laymen were put to death, and between August 28th and November 29th no fewer than twenty priests, ten laymen and one woman suffered the same fate. During the years 1589 and 1590 nineteen Catholics went to the scaffold, and the storm of persecution lasted for ten years longer.^
In the pride of its sense of superiority, Parliament presented to Elizabeth the request that she would retaliate for the attack upon England by an expedition against Spain. Drake actually got together a fleet of 180 sail and 21,000 men, with which he set out from Plymouth on April i8th, 1589. He met with a certain amount of success in his attack upon the Spanish port of Coruna, but when he proceeded to Lisbon, in order to enthrone Don Antonio there as king, he was driven off by the skilful manoeuvres of Cardinal Albert. The whole expedition came to a miserable end.*
1 The archpriest was active in the Spanish canse. " I am told that it is impossible to foresee what will happen, for the last time the Spanish fleet attacked England the Catholics all remained loyal to the Queen." Cavalli, January 7, 1O02, in Brown, Venetian Calendar, IX. (1592-1603), n. 1043. What he says holds good even though Cavalli had in mind the naval attack of 1596.
2 Spillmann, III. (1905), 161.
' Ibid., 166 seqq. ; Meyer, 298 seq.
* Brosch, VI., 641 seq. At the consistory of August 30 was read the letter from the Cardinal Archduke concerning the defeat and pursuit of Don Antonio and Drake. The Pope ordered that in thanksgiving the Cardinals should go on the following Friday from S. Maria sopra Minerva to S. Giacomo (*Consistorial acta of Cardinal Santori in Cod. Barb. XXXVI., 3 ; III., p. 42, Vatican
SMALL RESULTS OF THE VICTORY. 69
With her victory over the Armada EHzabeth reached the height of her power ; thenceforward her star began to decHne.^ Her popularity with the people became less, and Parliament, which hitherto had been so docile, gradually plucked up courage to have opinions of its own. The former advisers of the queen died, and the queen thus became more and more isolated. In foreign policy there were no more specially brilliant successes, and even against Spain, in spite of the provocations of the Turks, ^ the " queen of the seas " won no outstanding victory. The colonies of the Indies remained in the hands of their mother country, and under the sceptre of Spain led a life that was by no means unprosperous. Gradually they learned how to defend themselves against the English pirates. Thus all that the defeat of the Armada had seemed to portend was by no means realized.
The view which has so long held the field, that the defeat of the Armada was a mortal blow at the world power of Spain, and the saving of Protestantism is in the main untrue.^ Philip II. was still possessed of sufficient means to be able to send new Armadas in 1596 and 1597 against England, which continued to harass him. In both cases it was indeed storms at sea which forced the Armada, which had already sailed in 1596, to return after severe losses, and which in 1597 scattered both the fleets, so that neither the English nor the Spaniards won any laurels.* On the other hand it is true to say that by
Library) . Indeed on September i the Pope went with 36 Cardinals and the court, from the Minerva to S. Giacomo, in procession and on foot. After the mass a psalm and some prayers composed by the Pope himself were sung, while the Cardinals stood. Then they went to S. Antonio de' Portoghesi ; see *Diarium P. Alaleonis p. 475b, Cod. Barb. lat. 2814, and *Avviso of September 2, 1589, Urb. 1057, P- 539. Vatican Library.
^ Brosch, VI., 640-684 ; A. Zimmermann in Hisi. Jahrbitch, XXV. (1904), 199-215 ; J. CoRBETT, The Successors of Drake, London, 1900.
2 C/. the report in Schweizer, Nuntiaturberichte, III., 114.
"See Lindner, Weltgeschichte, V., Stuttgart, 1907. 266.
*C/. Brosch, VL, 657.
70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the victorious defeat of the Spanish attack in the Channel in 1588 " was won the future world-wide power of England," for this great encounter remained effective, and bore immedi- ate fruits in the wars waged against Spain. ^ England's most vulnerable point continued to be Ireland, where Elizabeth was unable to subdue the constant disturbances. Until the last years of the queen's life, the leader of the insurgents, the Earl of Tyrone, who had been educated in England, maintained his power there. If Spain had supported him more energeti- cally, there can be no doubt that Ireland would have been lost to English dominion. ^
1 Lindner, loc. cit.
2 Brosch, VI., 669 ; John B. Kelso, Die Spanier in Irland (1588-1603), Leipzig, 1902 {Diss).
CHAPTER 11.
Catholic Reform in Germany and the Netherlands.
Thanks to the pastoral care of Gregory XIII., the Holy See possessed in the time of Sixtus V., in addition to the nuncia- ture at the Imperial court, permanent representatives at Cologne and Graz as well. The principal and most honourable position^ was always at the court of the head of the Empire, where, in addition to internal affairs, purely political questions had also to be dealt with. Although the nuncio at Cologne was absolutely independent in his vast territory in the west of Germany, all his transactions never- theless came before the Emperor, and thus fell under the jurisdiction of the nuncio accredited to the Imperial court. The latter had further to devote his attention to religious questions in Bohemia, where the Emperor Rudolph II. lived, to those of Hungary and the other parts of Austria, as well as to those of south Germany. He was thus the repre- sentative of the Holy See for the whole of the Romano- Germanic Empire. 2 The holder of the nunciature at Prague at the time of the election of Sixtus V. was Germanico Malaspina, while the nunciature at Cologne was held by Giovanni Francesco Bonhomini, and that of Graz by Giovanni Antonio Caligari.^
The complicated political conditions of the Empire were bound to occasion constant anxiety for Catholic interests. The successes obtained in the war of Cologne, just at the beginning of the pontificate of Sixtus V., had been rendered
1 Cf. the letter of Card. Aldobrandini, January 9, T597, in Corte Strozz., I., 2, 268.
' See Ehses in Rovn. Oiiartalschr., XIX., 96. ^ Cf. Vol. XX. of this work, pp. 24, 394.
71
72 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
doubtful by the activities of the partisans of the archbishop, Gebhard Truchsess, who had been deposed on account of his apostasy from the Church, while at the same time important dioceses in the north of Germany ran the risk of being entirely lost to the Church. This state of affairs called for the care both of the nuncio at Cologne and of the nuncio at the Imperial court. Upon the latter fell the task of directly maintaining the possessions of the Church, as well as of striving to carry out the work of Catholic reform in those parts of the Empire which had remained true to her. In this respect, in spite of the fact that Gregory XIII. had devoted his special attention to conditions of Germany, there was still a great deal to be done. Almost everywhere there were evident signs of deep moral decadence, the reforming laws of Trent had as yet made but little impression, while in many places the decrees of the Council had not been even published.^ Only a few of the bishops, above all the energetic Julius Echter of Wiirzburg, had completely fulfilled the task assigned to them. This distinguished man was indefatigably active in reforming the clergy, as well as in bringing back to the ancient Church the Franks who were dependent upon his territory. But not a few of the other German bishops were lacking in the necessary zeal. Thus Sixtus V., in the first years of his pontificate, had to address letters of reproach to the Bishops of Spires and Strasbourg, for not having discharged their duty of maintaining discipline among the clergy, and above all in the matter of extirpating concubinage. ^
The state of affairs at the Imperial court was anything but favourable to the success of the efforts for Catholic restoration. The Emperor Rudolph II. had a real and steady wish to protect the Catholic religion in his hereditary dominions as weU as in the Empire, but he was lacking in courage and firmness ; moreover, he was already a misanthrope, weighed down by financial difficulties, so that he generally allowed
1 See Reichenberger, I., xvi. seq.
2 See Ehses-Meister, I., 8i seq. The Bishop of Wiirzburg was honoured with laudatory briefs, and the cathedral chapter was exhorted to support him. Reichenberger, I., 300 seq.
A
THE REPORT OF MALASPINA. 73
things to take their course.^ His efforts on behalf of the Catholics were also paralysed by the fact that his relations with Philip II. were often strained, ^ while the powerful Protestant Prince Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg had a great influence over him. All Malaspina's efforts to find a remedy for this were in vain.^
It was also fatal that the Emperor's entourage shrank from any energetic steps. In Rome they were convinced that the vice-chancellor, Vieheuser, was altogether opposed to the Holy See.^ The truth was that in most parts of the here- ditary territories of the Emperor, Protestant worship was tolerated, whereas the Protestant princes of the Empire without exception would not allow in their territories any sort of freedom for Catholic worship. In many cases Protestants sat side by side with the Catholics on Imperial commissions, which was a serious danger to Catholic interests.
The Romano-Germanic Empire seemed to Malaspina to be a great edifice which was in danger of falling to pieces.^ In order to prevent its complete ruin, as well as to cultivate good relations with the Holy See, he insisted more than anything else on definite opposition being made to the Protestant movement in favour of independence, which had as its object the suppression of the reservahim ecclesiasticum, and the recognition as a law of the Empire of the declaration of Ferdinand I., concerning the free exercise of religion for the subjects of the ecclesiastical States.^
Malaspina rightly saw a great danger, which must be removed, in the fact that the education of the aristocracy was much neglected, both in Austria and in the Empire.
^ See Janssen-Pastor, V., 82. C/. Hijbner, T, 454.
2 Cf. Bezoi.u, Rudolf II. und die hi. Liga, in the diss, of the Mi'mchner Akad. Hist. KL, XVII., 356 sea.
^ See the report of Malaspina of October 15, 1585, in Reichen- BERGER, I., 182 seq.
* See Bezold, loc. cit., 362, n. i.
^ " Un grand edificio minacciante d' ogni parte rovina." Account of Malaspina to Sixtus \^, in Reichenberger, L, 21 t.
« Cf. Vol. XX. of this work, pp. 243 seqq.
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Since for the most part only nobles were given bishoprics the capability of the supreme pastors of the Church depended upon this education. Malaspina therefore very properly found fault with the fact that whereas the innovators made every effort to win over the nobility, Catholic Germany did not pay enough attention to their scientific and moral education.^
Malaspina not only complained of the weakness shown by the Emperor towards the Lutherans, but even more of his similar attitude towards the much more radical Calvinists, whose boldness was encouraged by the Count Palatine, John Casimir. Fortunately the efforts made by this prince to support the Huguenots met with resistance from Saxony, even after, in February, 1586, his son Christian L succeeded Augustus in the office of the Elector. ^ Although the other
1 See the report of Malaspina to Sixtus V., loc. cit., 213.
2 The death of the Elector Augustus was much lamented by the Catholics {cf. the *letter of Sig. Giov. Cobenzl to Mgr. di Bertinoro [Caligari] Worms, 1586, April 14, in Cod. n. 19 of the Vallicella Library, Rome) . With the death of Augustus (February 21, 1586) there was an end of the faint hope of bringing back that prince to the Catholic Church, a hope that since the death of his wife in the autumn of 1585 had once more revived, and had been welcomed with enthusiasm by Sixtus V. ; see Ehses-Meister, I., Ixxii. seq., where on p. 271 seq. the whole Discorso of Minutio Minucci sopru le cose del Diica di Sassonia, November 25, 1585, is published, and which was also printed in Beitr. zur sacks. Kirchen- gesch., X. (1895), 295 seq. See also Bezoi.d in Gott. Gel. Anz., 1897, n. 4, p. 319 seq. Cf. ibid., 1900, n. 4, p. 555 seq. for the embassy of the electorate of Saxony to Italy, which was directed against Spain. According to Bezold this embassy did not go to Rome, as was expected, but on receipt of the false news of a change of the Papal policy in favour of Philip II., returned from Florence to Germany. According to the *report of Badoer, July 2T, 1590 (State Archives, Venice) a Saxon mission was sent instead to Rome, where Sixtus V. declared that he would treat with it only concerning the return of Snxony to the Church, but not about anything else. Cf. also Bezoi.d in Sitzuvgsberichte der Miinchne/ Akad. Hist. KL, 1882, II., 158.
THE REPORT OF MALASPINA. 75
Protestant princes also held back, John Casimir nevertheless favoured the sending of a mercenary army to France, which, however, met with unfortunate results.^
The Catholic cause could place its hopes in the Archdukes Ernest and Ferdinand, both men of strong Catholic sentiments, rather than in the Emperor. The former, assisted by Klesl, the vicar-general of the Bishop of Passau for Lower Austria, and the Jesuit Wilhelm Scherer, set to work in Austria, which he governed in the name of the Emperor, in accordance with the ideas of Catholic reform and restoration. In some places, such as the countship of Hauseck, the conversion of the inhabitants to the Catholic faith was carried out without difficulty. 2 On the other hand in some places the innovators offered so strong a resistance that force had to be employed.^ This was not necessary in the Tyrol, where the Archduke Ferdinand was carrying on the same work with like zeal.* There the difficulties arose rather from the negligence ot the Catholic clergy, among whom any real change could only be brought about by slow degrees. This was made up for by the indefatigable labours of the Jesuits, as preachers, catechists, educators and confessors. It was a misfortune for the Catholic cause when there appeared on the scene, in opposition to the
^ See Janssen-Pastor, V., 86 seq. A *Canticum in equitum peditumque Germanorura aciem eorumque repetitam cladem 1587 " composed by the students of the Sorbonne in Paris in Cod. Barb. LX., 31, p. 83, Vatican Library.
2 See G. Scherer, Ursachen d. Bekehrung der Herrschaft Ober und Nider Hausseck im Erzhertzogthumb Oesterreich vunder det Enss so vom Luthertumb darinnen sie uber 26 Jahr leider gesteck widerumb zum vhralten alleinseligmachenden Cathol. Glauben . . . gebracht worden, Ingolstadt, 1586. Cf. Duhr, I., 802.
^ See Wiedemann, III., 73 seq.; IV., 198 scq. Cf. Huber, IV., 294 seq. ; Duhr, I., 803 ; Bibl in Mitteil. des osierr. Instit. SuppL, Vol. VL, 589 seq., and in Jahrb. f. Ldnderkunde von Niederosterreich, N.S., VIII. (1909), 151 seq.
* According to the *report of Sporeno, August 10, 1585, Sixtus V. praised the zealous work of Ferdinand against the innovators. Provincial Archives, Innsbruck.
76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Society of Jesus, a man who was in other respects very deserving, the Franciscan, Johann Nas ; even the relations of Ferdinand with the Jesuits were cooled, a fact helped by his strained relations with Bavaria,^ whose duke, William V., was rightly looked upon as the chief support of the Church in Germany.
William V. not only kept his own subjects in close union with the ancient Church, ^ but also brought pressure to bear on the Emperor and the Catholic princes for the formation of a defensive alliance among the Catholic States, which would oppose a barrier against the wish of the Protestants to attack. Such plans, however, were hindered by the jealousy of the Emperor, and as the Electors of Mayence and Treves were timorous in the matter the negotiations never got beyond the preliminary stage. ^ The vice-chancellor of the Empire, Vieheuser, openly told the Duke of Bavaria that Rudolph II. would never join a defensive alliance of all the Catholics. Among the Imperial councillors, William complained to the Archbishop of Salzburg, there is always great dissension, and one is full of hatred of the other ; some of them personally are not averse to the religious innovations, while those of sounder views are the victims of excessive fear. Even in the Imperial house itself, there is a want of union, and the Archdukes are striving among themselves for the succession to the Empire.^
The powerlessness of Rudolph II. was clearly shown when
^ See especially Hirn, I., 160 seq., 210 seq., and Duhr, I., 841. FIuBER (IV., 314, n. 3) with his too evident tendency to describe the successes of the CathoHc restoration as being entirely external, allows himself to be led into adducing as a proof of this a circum- stance which demonstrates the exact opposite ; namely the large number of confessions and communions mentioned by the Jesuits. That the latter, in their care of souls, were by no means contented with outward appearances, is convincingly shown by Duhr
(I., 495).
2 Cf. Vol. XX. of this work, pp. 53 seqq.
^ See RiTTER, II., 12 seq., 15.
*■ See Janssen-Pastor, V,, 82. Cf. Hijbner, 1., 451 seq.
CONTEST FOR NEUSS. 77
two of the partisans of Gebhard Truchsess, Count von Neuenahr, and Colonel Martin Schenk of Niedeggen, with the support of the States-General of the Netherlands, set on foot an expedition against the archbishopric of Cologne and the diocese of Miinster. When, on May gth, 1585, Neuenahr had succeeded in taking possession of so important a position as the strong city of Neuss, the Elector Ernest of Cologne sought the help of the Emperor, but Rudolph II. showed a timorous reserve, out of consideration for the Protestants, especially the Elector of Saxony.^ Sixtus V., too, who was annoyed with the Elector Ernest on account of his worldly behaviour, also refused the help he was asked for ; he turned therefore to Philip II., and the governor of the Low Countries, Alessandro Farnese. Malaspina and Bonhomini worked hard for the same purpose. ^
Malaspina was no longer nuncio when, on July 26th, 1586, the Spaniards succeeded in recapturing Neuss. ^ On the other hand, during his period of office, he had the satisfaction of seeing various important bishoprics filled by men who belonged to the party of Catholic reform and thus preserved to the Church.
^ See Reichenberger, I., xxviii. For the importance of Neuss see Ehses-Meister, I., 77 seq., 82 seq.
2 See Reichenberger, I., loi seq. ; Ehses-Meister, I., 80, 86, 201 seqq. ; HObner, II., 22 seq. How unfounded is the statement of Ranke (Papste, II. ^ 78), repeated by Stieve (Pohtik, I., 330), that Sixtus V. was very careful not to let Ernest know that he was aware of his misconduct, is clear from the severe words of the Cardinal Secretary of State Azzolini to Bonhomini on July 4, 1586, in Ehses-Meister, V., 203.
^ The news reached Rome on August 20. The Pope was delighted and at once informed his entourage ; on the next day he went with twenty Cardinals to a thanksgiving celebration at S. Giacomo de' Spagnuoli and at S. Maria dell' Anima, where a Te Deum was sung {cf. Schmidlin, 435 seq.). The brief of congratulation to Farnese in Ehses-Meister, I., 209 seq. On August I the blessed hat and sword were sent to the victorious general ; see Lossen., 628. Cf. also *Vita Sixti V. ips. manu emend. Papal Secret Archives.
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A short time after the election of Sixtus V., there suddenly occurred the death, as the result of a fall from his horse, of Henry of Saxony-Lauenburg, who, without having received the Papal confirmation, occupied the archbishopric of Bremen, and the bishoprics of Osnabriick and Paderborn. This powerful prince, at a time when he was still posing as a Catholic to the Pope, had, as early as 1575, contracted marriage in all possible secrecy. When the news at length reached Rome, the Imperial nuncio was asked, supposing the story to be true, to take proceedings against the archbishop, who evidently intended to follow in the footsteps of Gebhard Truchsess ^ But this proved to be unnecessary All the more need, however, was there for watchfulness in the case of vacant bishoprics, and for this purpose Malaspina and Bonhomini at once took the necessary steps '^
The indirect consequence of the death of Henry of Saxony- Lauenburg was that a Catholic obtained possession of the bishopric of Miinster The Elector of Cologne, Ernest, had for a long time aimed at this, and was strongly supported by Malaspina. His principal rival had been Henry of Saxony- Lauenburg. Since there was now no longer any need to fear the latter's intrigues, on May i8th, 1585, the Elector of Cologne was unanimously elected Bishop of Miinster. The election capitulation bound the new bishop to support the Catholic religion, and to combat all sects and seditious innovations in the diocese of Miinster. ^
The distinguished prelate who had brought about the choice of the Elector of Cologne was Gottfried von Raesfeld, the dean of the cathedral, who had laboured indefatigably for the restoration of the Catholic Church in Miinster.* Before his death, which occurred on October 26th, 1586, Raesfeld left a legacy of 30,000 thalers for the establishment of a Jesuit college in the ancient capital of Westphalia. The
- See Reichenberger, I., xxi. ; Ehses-Meister, I., 80, n. 4. 2 See Reichenberger, 1., 100, 104 ; Ehses-Meister, I., xlviii. seq.
^ See Keller, L, 342 ; Lossen, II., 596 seq.
* Cf. H. Degering, G. V, Raesfeld, Miinster, 1906.
THE JESUITS IN MONSTER. 79
negotiations about this were carried on for two years ; the matter was at last arranged in the autumn of 1588 ; the Jesuits were given the church of St. Nicholas, and the charge of the old cathedral school, known as the Pauline institute. Their position was at first very difficult ; they had bitter enemies both among the citizens and in the cathedral chapter, which was partly Protestant in sentiment. The decadent clergy, too, showed themselves absolutely opposed to the moral improvement which was to be looked for from the new body of religious. But the new rector, Peter Michael, known as Brillmacher, who was a native of Cologne, and who had already on many occasions, and especially at the court of the Duke of Cleves, worked with great zeal and success, was able to surmount all the difficulties. His principal thoughts were for the Pauline institute. The number of the pupils of this establishment rose, in spite of the plague, from 300 to 700, and after three years to 1000. It was of great importance for the development of the institute that the energetic rector, in spite of all obstacles, at once commenced the erection of a new building and a church. But Peter Michael also laboured indefatigably in other ways. He was one of the preachers in the cathedral, and he wrote a brief explanation of the truths of the Catholic faith and of the doctrines opposed to them, which found a wide circulation. The nuncio in Cologne frequently made use of this distinguished man to carry out difficult undertakings.^
The Elector Ernest, coming as he did, as a Bavarian prince, from a house which was very well disposed towards the Society of Jesus, also gave his support to the establishment at Miinster. When he had obtained, at the end of 1588, a predominant share in the government, he at once took steps to restore the Catholic religion. For this purpose in February,
^ See Sacchini, V., 8, n. 83-91 ; Reiffenberg, I. ; Sokeland, Geschichtl. Nachrichten iiber das Gymnasium zu Miinster (182 1), 60 seq. ; Keller, II., 268 seqq., 276 seq. ; Duhr, I.. 144 seq., 149 seq. ; ihid. 640 seq. for the church of the Jesuits, St. Peter, at Munster. which is worthy of notice architecturally, aesthetically and constructively.
8o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
1590, he appeared in person at Miinster, and with the governor and the chapter, made arrangements for the carrying out of the work of Cathohc restoration.^
A short time after the appointment of the Elector of Cologne as Bishop of Miinster, Paderborn as well, which for size was the second ecclesiastical principality in Westphalia, received, on June 5th, 1585, in the person of the provost of the cathedral, Dietrich von Fiirstenberg, an excellent pastor, who was animated by sincere Catholic principles. Bonhomini, the nuncio in Cologne, had helped to secure this happy event. 2
The religious state of the diocese of Paderborn was even more lamentable than that of Miinster. The religious changes had obtained a strong influence over the proud aristocracy of the population of the city, as well as of the country folk, while a large part of the clergy had fallen into barbarism and immorality. It required extraordinary energy, as well as great prudence to provide a remedy, both of which qualities Dietrich von Fiirstenberg possessed in a high degree. The prudence with which this shrewd administrator set himself to his task, was shown by the reserve which he at first showed towards the Jesuits, in whom later on he saw his best helpers. While the see was vacant, the school of Paderborn was handed over to them on May ist, 1585. The number of pupils, which was then 140, had risen by the end of the year to 300, and in 1586 to 400. Later on the number declined, and in 1590 it was 268. This was due to the activity of their enemies, among whom was the parish priest of the church of St. Mark, Tunneken, who in spite of the oath which he had taken had apostatized from the ancient faith, and had fanatically taken up a stand against the " black wolves in sheep's clothing." " It is a hard and thorny task " complained the annalist of the college of Paderborn, " to cultivate this field of Paderborn, both because of the sterility of the soil, and because the seed is choked by thorns." At that time things had gone so far that even among the small number of Catholics few were
1 For this see more fully under Clement VIII. in Vol. XXII J. of this work.
2 See Keller, I., 558; II., 421 seq. ; Lossen, II., 594 seq. ; Ehses-Meister, I., xlix., 81, 95 seq., 100 seq.
OSNABRtrCK AND BREMEN. 8l
willing to be accounted friends of the Jesuits, and even these feared to have the fact known. How small the number of the Catholics was is shown by the fact that in 1588 only 750 persons approached the sacraments, and that in this number were included the pupils of the Jesuits. Two years of hard work had to elapse before conditions were improved. The decisive change was then brought about by the energy of Dietrich von Fiirstenberg, who was then in the <